Chronology of events for Louis Joseph Wauthy...

SHD/GR 21 YC 171 - "service registers for non-commissioned officers and enlisted men of the line infantry (1802 to 1815)". LW is in YC 171. (Is YC a battalion within a regiment? Is GR group?)

---

For future reference, for any service person in France...

...the following is available. This is a difficult site, use a webpage translator if you need one...

• link to the home page of the Memoires des Hommes site
• link to a front door at the mémoire des hommes website where there is access to records for all 156 Line Infantry Regiments.
• link to Recruitment and Individual Career Paths page, select Troop Control Registers and Personnel Registers, "registers which list, by unit, all the soldiers and low officers who served during a given period".
• link to a search engine page, select Control Registers & Registration Registers (1683-1815)
• link to downloadable databases
• link to the page where the next image can be viewed is provided and explained below

The sets of records available include: Personnel registers of the Ancien Régime (1682-1793); Service registers of non-commissioned officers and enlisted men of the Imperial Guard (1799-1815); Service registers of non-commissioned officers and enlisted men of the Line Infantry (1802-1815).

---

The full page this was taken from is available at this external link (page numbered 287, it is the 290th page of the 554-page set). And it is also stored locally on this site. Pages 1 through 3 of this document set are bureaucratic instructions for filling out the forms. Notably, page one states that these registrants are for the "19 régiment d'infanterie de ligne" (19th Line Infantry Regiment). 6 records per page ending on full page 503, or 500 pages of registrations, but the last registration number is 5,973 so there must be some incomplete pages. (After a brief investigation, having two registrations numbering 3,755 and two numbered 3,756 doesn't help.) Page 504 has a form that looks like it is relieving someone of their duties. The last 49 pages have the surnames grouped by first letter, with the groups in alpha sequence.

Taille (height) :	1.71 meters	(5' 7")	(average)
Visage (face) :	rond (round)	Front (forehead) :	bau, ban, bas (low)?
Yeux (eyes) :	grise (grey)	Nez (nose) :	long (long)
Bouche (mouth) :	moyenne (medium, average)	Menton (chin) :	rond (round)
Cheveux (hair colour) :	noir (black)	Sourcils (eyebrows) :	noir (black)

Besides this subjective description, the record does show Louis Joseph Wauthy was 1 meter 71 centimeters tall, not quite 5' 7". The average male height in many European countries at the time was around 5' 5" to 5' 7" for common men. Nutrition, the availability of good food, and having the means to acquire it played a part.

Below his name is written: "fils de (son of) Pierre Joseph (Wauthy) et de Marie Julienne Dimanche". "né (born) le six avril 1788 à Biesme, canton de Fosses-de-Ville, department de Sambre & Meuse". A canton was a subdivision of a department.

The department of Sambre-et-Meuse is a former French administrative district whose capital was Namur. Created in 1795, dissolved in 1814, this coincides with the occupation of Wallonia by French forces.

"Dates of arrival in the corps, and last residence of the conscripts or their replacements; voluntary enlistments; requisitioners; and incorporated soldiers." "Battalion or squadron, and company." In the column "Ranks, dates of nominations, actions of brilliance (perhaps heroism), and certificates of honor", what would make sense here would be the word fusilier, or rifleman, a fusilier referring to a soldier armed with a fusil, a type of musket or flintlock firearm.

In the column that may translate as: "Dates and Reasons for Excursions of the Corps. Death. Previous service. Wounds and war campaigns.", are details about LW deserting just 24 days after arrival.

This is the portion of the record that describes the desertion. Translated with assistance from MW: "Deserted September 25th, 1807. Judged in absentia October 30th, 1807. Acquitted June 19th, 1808." Different people made entries, it seems, which is why the handwriting is not uniform.

Why did he desert, and why was he acquitted? Both questions might be answered by the early death of his father.

"Pierre Joseph Wauthy died December 12, 1807, in Biesme, Mettet, Namur, Belgium, at age 53."

LW had just arrived on September 1st, and 24 days later he deserts. If his father had a serious sudden illness come upon him, like a heart attack or cancer, LW might have got wind of it and tried to get home.

The text goes on to say "jugé par contumace" (judged in absentia) October 30th, 1807. This may mean that LW hasn't been arrested yet or the judgment was handed down "in absentia", without legal representation or testimony by the accused. (This appears to have been overwritten on the words "acquitté le", as if the next line was being written in here out of turn.

ChatGPT: "Trial in absentia: If an accused soldier refused to attend the court-martial, was deemed unfit to stand trial due to illness or other reasons, or simply couldn't be brought to the trial for logistical reasons, (a trial) could proceed in their absence."

Being acquitted June 19th, 1808 may have cleared LW's name, but there is nothing conclusive yet to say he has returned to service until the next line, which appears to say that LW has been "passé au 22nd régiment de ligne", translated as "transferred to the 22nd Line Infantry Regiment", on May 16, 1811. Being transferred was not an individual event (i.e. not a personal request). Others in his unit have the exact same entry in their records.

While it first appeared that the 1807 desertion is the anticipated desertion of a Feuillen Wauthy descendant who would go on to change his name to Thibeau, this is not so. LW is still in the French Army, name unchanged.

In his brief time at large, LW would have experienced the difficulties in moving about as a fugitive. Anyone of his age would be expected to be in the army. One couldn't just walk about in uniform. Each man carried "livrets", identification papers, that would not be easily replaced or forged. He would have needed an alias. There would likely have been checkpoints on roadways and roving patrols. There may have been witnesses, people that LW told what he was about to do before he left camp. He would need food and shelter. His likely destination would be known. All of this would have contributed to quick capture.

ChatGPT: "During the Napoleonic era, French people typically carried identification papers known as "livrets." Livrets were small booklets or passports that served as personal identification documents. These identification papers were introduced during the French Revolution and continued to be used throughout the Napoleonic era.

Livrets contained essential information about the individual, such as their name, age, occupation, place of birth, and physical characteristics. They also included details about the person's nationality and sometimes their residence or travel permissions. Livrets were issued by local authorities, and citizens were required to carry them as a means of identification and to prove their identity when necessary.

Livrets were particularly important for military personnel, as they served as military identification documents and recorded an individual's service history, unit, and rank. For soldiers, the livret also contained records of their promotions, campaigns, and other military achievements.

Carrying a livret was mandatory in France during the Napoleonic era, and failure to present one when requested by authorities could lead to suspicion or legal consequences. The use of livrets was part of the French government's efforts to maintain control over the population, ensure security, and enforce conscription and military service during the tumultuous times of the Napoleonic era."

Three years in the 19th...

Initially, Louis Joseph Wauthy would have been instructed to report somewhere to begin his training. While there was a large center known as the Boulogne Camp on the Channel coast about 30 km from Calais that was training soldiers for a planned invasion of England, it is more likely that LW would have been told to report to a much smaller camp for new recruits closer to his home. Once basic training had been completed and he had been assessed and pronounced fit and ready, he would have been transported with others, or would have marched with others, to wherever his regiment was located at that time.

Napolun.com: "the mainstay of the French army throughout the Napoleonic wars was the long-suffering, hard-marching infantry regiments and battalions".

So, where was the 19th Line Infantry Regiment from June 19th, 1808 when Louis Joseph Wauthy was acquitted until May 16th, 1811 when he was transferred to the 22nd Line Infantry Regiment?

Regimental war records for the 19th Line Infantry Regiment can be found here: Battles and Combats.

Wikipedia: "In 1809, the French military presence in the Confederation of the Rhine was diminished as Napoleon transferred a number of soldiers to fight in the Peninsular War."

A painting by Charles Turner, Battle of Sierra de Busaco above St. Antonio de Cantaro, September 7th, 1810. Yale Center for British Art.

This illustration gives an idea of what a battlefield might have looked like. Highly visible Redcoats (English) and Bluecoats (French) in lines of fixed-bayonnet musket-firing infantry in all-weather open terrain near fortified positions. Insane heroic behaviour. Nothing like the trench warfare of WWI or the aircraft-centric warfare WWII evolved into. Today, weaponry reaches enemies often not seen with the naked eye, with terrifying force. One man with a modern military precision weapon could kill a hundred line infantrymen before they could get off a single inaccurate shot.

From the informative Ontario archives site about the War of 1812 in Canada... "The standard tactics used by the British infantry at this time was the line of battle. Men stood in two lines, shoulder to shoulder, and fired their smooth bore muskets in disciplined volleys. This tactic was dictated by the inaccuracy of the standard "brown bess" musket, and the need to achieve concentrated fire against a similar line of enemy troops. Also, a 19th century battlefield was a confused place. The muskets and artillery discharged a heavy white smoke that obscured opponents and messages from a commander to specific parts of the line could only be transmitted in writing or orally. It was not unusual for this "fog of war" to take control of the battlefield from the commanding officers and place it in the hands of chance and the individual soldiers. Theoretically one side would give way before the musketry or a final bayonet charge.

The fire of the infantry would be supplemented by light field artillery, these guns were identified by the weight of shot fired, from 3 pounds to 12 pounds, which were designed to batter defences or cut through the enemy infantry. At close range the guns could be loaded with "cannister" which turned them into large shotguns, spreading dozens of small iron balls or fragments in a wide path. First Nations warriors were employed as light troops which sought to turn the flank of an opponent."

Transferred to Napoleon's 22nd Infantry Line Regiment in Spain, May 16th, 1811...

In 1811, the 22nd Regiment, as part of the French occupying forces, would have found itself increasingly on the defensive as Wellington pushed the French out of Portugal and launched an invasion of Spain.

ChatGPT, paraphrased: "The British and Portuguese forces, with the support of Spanish allies, were implementing a strategy of attrition, gradually wearing down the French through a combination of defensive actions and periodic offensive operations.

The retaking of Almeida (Portugal), by the Allies, in May 1811. ChatGPT: "As part of their strategy to drive the French out of Portugal, the British and Portuguese forces embarked on a march towards the fortress town of Almeida, which had been under French control. The retaking of Almeida (eastern Portugal) took place (between April 14th amd May 10th, 1811), with British and Portuguese forces besieging the town. The siege eventually led to the capture of Almeida from the French."

Siege of Astorga (Spain), June 29th to August 19th, 1812. Wikipedia: "The Spanish troops of Lieutenant-General Francisco Gómez de Terán y Negrete, Marquess of Portago, started the operations, and laid siege to Astorga. The siege was part of the Allied offensive in the summer of 1812. The Spanish VI Army led by General José María Santocildes, by order of General Francisco Castaños, take the measures necessary for the recovery of Astorga. On August 18th, after a hard resistance, the French garrison surrendered to the Spaniards."

By June of 1812, Wellington was heading for Salamanca.

Battle of Salamanca (Spain), July 22nd, 1812. ChatGPT, paraphrased: "The Battle of Salamanca resulted in a decisive victory for the allied forces, primarily led by the Duke of Wellington's Anglo-Portuguese army. This victory was significant in itself, but it also boosted the morale of the allied forces. Salamanca was a strategically important city in Spain. It was a major transportation and communication hub, with several key roads converging in the region. Its capture allowed the allies to secure an important logistical and strategic center.

The Battle of Salamanca forced the French, commanded by Marshal Auguste Marmont, to retreat from the Spanish capital, Madrid. This marked a turning point in the Peninsular War, as it allowed the Spanish to reoccupy their capital and significantly weakened French control in Spain. The defeat at Salamanca was a cause of concern for Napoleon, who recognized the strategic importance of the region. It forced him to divert resources to the Iberian Peninsula, which had implications for his campaigns elsewhere in Europe.

After the battle, the allied forces pursued the retreating French armies. The victory at Salamanca set the stage for a successful allied advance into Spain and the eventual liberation of large portions of the country from French control. The Battle of Salamanca showcased the effectiveness of the British and Portuguese forces in the Peninsular War, led by Wellington. It enhanced their reputation and demonstrated their ability to defeat the French in open battle."

The left map shows the possible route taken by Louis Wauthy as part of the 19th and 22nd Regiments. There would be at least one other location in Wallonia he would have been at for recruit training. This is a walking route - Google calculates the distance to be 4,122 km over 118 days if they marched an average of eight hours a day. The last leg is undrawn as it might be confusing at first, the 22nd would have been retreating in the direction of San Sebastián following their ouster from Salamanca. There would be many more points and diversions along this route that would have extended the distance over the four years that brought LW to the siege of San Sebastián.

The right map is just a portion of a period map from 1813 showing points of interest in the Peninsular War. Torres-Vedras, Almeida, and Salamanca have green dots. Busaco does not appear on this map but its location is indicated with two green dots. Follow this link to view the full map online (David Rumsey Map Collection) to assist with overall geographical comprehension. (The full map is actually larger than the modern Google map shown here.) Use the navigation controls provided (position, zoom).

napoleon-series.org has a great deal of information on the Napoleonic Wars, including details on all of the French Infantry Regiments - regimental history, officers, regimental war record, battle honours, etc.

Regimental war record for the 22nd Line Infantry Regiment: Battles and Combats.

For the 22nd, their regimental war record shows that their next notable action following Salamanca was July 7th to September 8th, 1813, the siege of San-Sebastián, but there is a gap of a year between Salamanca and San Sebastián - what filled it?

ChatGPT: "After the Battle of Salamanca in 1812, which resulted in a decisive victory for the Allied forces led by the Duke of Wellington, the Allies pursued a series of military and strategic actions in the ongoing Peninsular War against the French in Spain. Here are some of the key actions taken by the Allies after the Battle of Salamanca:

Pursuit of the French: Following the victory at Salamanca, the Allies pursued the retreating French forces, led by Marshal Auguste Marmont. This pursuit aimed to disrupt and further weaken the French position in Spain.

Capture of Madrid: The Allies continued their advance into Spain and retook the Spanish capital, Madrid, in August 1812. This was a significant achievement as it allowed the Spanish government to return to the city.

Siege of Burgos: After capturing Madrid, the Allies laid siege to the city of Burgos, which was held by a French garrison. Burgos was about half way between Salamanca and San Sebastián. The siege, however, proved to be challenging, and the Allies were eventually forced to lift it on October 31st, 1812.

Retreat to Portugal: Due to logistical challenges and the approach of a large French army under Marshal Nicolas Soult, the Allied forces were compelled to retreat from Burgos and eventually withdrew back to Portugal.

Reorganization and Reinforcement: During the retreat, the Allies reorganized their forces and received reinforcements. The retreat allowed them to regroup and prepare for future operations.

In 1813, the Allies again reentered Spain, continuing their campaign against the French. The Battle of Vitoria in June 1813 was a decisive victory for the Allies, and it further contributed to the liberation of Spain from French occupation."

These actions would explain how the 22nd LIR took until the summer of 1813 to begin their next major named engagement following Salamanca. At first, the 22nd's retreat would coincide with the Allies' advances. Fresh French forces, though, would drive the Allies back to Ciudad Rodrigo, near the Portuguese frontier. By May 20th, 1813, after reorganizing and receiving reinforcements, the Allies were ready to confront the French forces again. Under Wellington, in an effort to outflank the French Army, an Allied force of 121,000 causing the French to retreat back to Burgos "with Wellington's forces marching hard to cut them off from the road to France". Burgos was as far as the Allies had advanced in 1812. Vitoria is about half way again to San Sebastián.

Battle of Vitoria (Spain), June 21st, 1813. The account at Wikipedia is quite compelling, worth the read. While the 22nd LIR may or may not have participated in this battle, its outcome affected them. "At the Battle of Vitoria... a British, Portuguese and Spanish army under the Marquess of Wellington broke the French army under King Joseph Bonaparte and Marshal Jean-Baptiste Jourdan near Vitoria in Spain, eventually leading to victory in the Peninsular War. Because they had marched 20 miles earlier in the day before the battle, and because the French had abandoned their "booty" (estimated value $100 million in today's money), the Allies did not pursue the French that day. The 22nd was at San Sebastián when the allies laid siege to it, perhaps having been installed there from as far back as the year before.

Siege of San Sebastián (Spain), July 7th to September 8th, 1813. ChatGPT: "Following the Battle of Vitoria, the British and Portuguese forces besieged the city of San Sebastián, which was held by the French. The city eventually fell to the Allies, contributing to their overall success in the campaign."

Retreat, desertion, or surrender?

Following the siege of San Sebastián, infantryman Louis Joseph Wauthy had three paths. Was he in the part of the 22nd Regiment that retreated into France? Was he part of the force left behind in San Sebastián that surrendered? Did he desert somewhere near San Sebastián and head out on his own, perhaps not alone, taking advantage of his location and perhaps making his way to Nova Scotia by Spanish fishing boat?

Deserting prior to San Sebastián would have provided an opportunity for the act to be documented while the French command there was still holding itself together. Deserting when his regiment was retreating may not have offered such an opportunity. The army may simply have lost track of him - dead, alive, injured, awol, prisoner, status unknown. He could make his way to Nova Scotia undetected if so.

If LW was part of the French retreat into France, his opportunity for desertion and avoiding detection would be getting smaller. And he would be getting closer to home, making it a more likely destination to run off to. He would also be gradually becoming more aware that an end to the war was near - if he could survive it. So, why desert?

What of the group that surrendered? What if LW was part of that group, what would have become of him? In that era, there were some odd conventions for prisoners of war. In negotiated terms of surrender, prisoners could be afforded safe passage back to their own territory. Prisoners could be exchanged under terms and conditions of release and repatriation. Prisoners could be paroled, allowed to return to their own countries with conditions on where they could go and what they could do. Negotiations might involve diplomats and envoys from the conflicted parties or from neutral nations. The captors had the upper hand in these negotiations but the captives were not without leverage. If routing them out from wherever they might be barracaded would mean loss of life, or supplies, or time to their captors, terms might almost seem favourable. Did any of this apply to the group of French soldiers left behind at San Sebastián?

The Geneva Conventions for the treatment of prisoners would not come into play for many years yet. Were the French San Sebastián prisoners interrogated? Offered the chance to become spies? Were there defectors, individuals who voluntarily wanted to change sides for ideological, personal, or political reasons? Were prisoners coerced into changing sides with threats of incarceration? Was this the kind of war that anyone wanted to be in in the first place? What else could there be? Could prisoners be bribed into changing sides? Were better conditions, better pay and larger shares in the booty enticing enough? What about a signing bonus? Was it really that mercenary?

Wikipedia, Peninsular Wars article: "...the French garrison retreated into the Citadel, which after a heavy bombardment their governor surrendered on 8 September, with the garrison marching out the next day with full military honours." Where did the garrison go when they walked out? What were the governor's terms of surrender?

ChatGPT: "The terms of surrender at San Sebastián in 1813 during the Peninsular War were negotiated between the French garrison inside the city and the British and Portuguese forces besieging it. The surrender of San Sebastian was a significant event in the war, and the terms were as follows:

Honors of War: The French garrison was granted the "honors of war." This meant that the French troops would be allowed to leave the city with their colors (flags), muskets, sidearms, and personal baggage. They were essentially allowed to march out with their military dignity intact.

Safe Passage: The surrender agreement included provisions for the safe passage of the French troops and civilians who were in the city at the time. They were to be allowed to withdraw from San Sebastian without being molested or harmed by the British and Portuguese forces.

Parole of Officers: The officers of the French garrison were often placed on parole. Parole meant that they were released under certain conditions, including an agreement not to take up arms again against the British and their allies for a specified period. Violating parole could result in severe consequences.

Capitulation of the Fortresses: Along with the surrender of the city of San Sebastián, the French also capitulated two adjacent fortresses, the Castillo de la Mota and the Chofre Redoubt, which were held by French forces.

Transfer of the City: Control of the city was handed over to the British and Portuguese forces, who subsequently occupied it.

The terms of surrender were negotiated between the British commander, Lieutenant General Sir Thomas Graham, and the French garrison commander, General Louis Emmanuel Rey. The surrender of San Sebastian was seen as a significant victory for the British and their allies, as the city had been a heavily fortified French stronghold, and its capture allowed them to make further advances in the Peninsular War."

To confirm... ChatGPT: "The French 22nd Line Infantry Regiment (22e Régiment d'Infanterie de Ligne) did indeed participate in the defense of San Sebastian... the surrender terms, as previously mentioned, allowed the French garrison to withdraw with honors of war."

According to these terms of surrender, if LW was part of the French garrison and was alive and uninjured after the month-long siege, he should have been able to continue in his present capacity of infantryman and leave the area in safety with his regiment. The 22nd was headed for the Kingdom of Saxony (Germany today), though, as part of the coming war effort there. This was not getting any closer to Nova Scotia and an 1814 arrival there would soon be in jeopardy, and would not be possible at all if LW was to stick it out until June 22nd, 1815 when the Napoleonic Wars would end.

Of the three paths LW had, two have now converged. The 22nd was on its way out of Spain. LW's other path, desertion, is still possible. And I now see one more possibility - that of being captured much earlier in the siege, as an individual, or as part of a smaller group. Their treatment may have been more like what was described above before the terms of surrender were negotiated on Sept. 8th. Several of the options afforded prisoners could see LW becoming detached from his regiment. If a prisoner, could he have defected? Could he have been coerced into changing sides? Could he have been persuaded to change for better conditions, better pay or signing money?

If only there were records to look through, lists of the personnel, of the dead or injured, of those present and those absent, records of transport and troop movements, payroll records - searchable online... Much is reported about the various organizational military groupings but are there records for the individuals, and are they online as yet?

ChatGPT: "A muster roll is an official list or register of members in a military unit or organization, typically used to record the personnel, their details, and other relevant information. Muster rolls have been a common feature in the organization and administration of armed forces throughout history, and they serve several important purposes:

Identification: Muster rolls are used to identify and document every member of a military unit. This includes their names, ranks, and sometimes additional details like age, birthplace, enlistment date, and physical characteristics.

Accountability: Muster rolls help ensure that every member of the unit is accounted for. This is crucial for maintaining discipline, tracking personnel changes (due to injuries, deaths, or transfers), and ensuring that everyone receives their pay and rations.

Pay and Benefits: Muster rolls are used in the process of paying soldiers and providing them with benefits and entitlements. Accurate records are essential to avoid issues with compensation and to prevent fraud or abuse.

Logistics: Muster rolls assist in logistical planning by providing an up-to-date roster of available personnel. This information helps military commanders allocate resources effectively and make decisions about deployments and assignments.

Historical Records: Muster rolls also serve as valuable historical records. They provide insights into the composition of military units at specific points in time, which can be useful for research, genealogy, and the study of military history."

Somewhen around 2015, ancestry.ca made available searchable muster rolls for the British forces in the Napoleonic Wars (1807-1815). These wouldn't help find a French infantryman, though, or would they?

I subscribe to ancestry.ca for a couple months each winter, but for this effort I had signed up for a trial of the European access in hopes of finding evidence of Jean Jacques (Jacob) Thibaut or Jean Joseph Thibaut in Europe that hadn't been brought forward before or evidence of Louis Joseph Wauthy that might put him in Canada, that might see him change his name to Thibaut to align with the DNA test result that sparked all of this.

With this trial membership, I did have incidental access to ancestry.ca's "UK, British Army Muster Books and Pay Lists, 1812-1817". On the off chance Louis Wauthy would somehow be on the British payroll after surrendering at San Sebastián, I tried a search. What came back surprised me.

UK, British Army Muster Books and Pay Lists, 1812-1817

---> ---> --->

Not having seen this book in person, the blank pages in the book suggest that it has pre-organized, pre-printed, non-removable pages for the various people responsible to make transcribed entries into it. The proportion of width to height resembles legal size paper, 8.5" x 14". With some pages oriented as landscape and some portrait, the design probably evolved over time, with the order and contents of the book changing as the documentation of new information became necessary and older reports became obsolete. The writing looks quill-made.

Some pages have a line that reads: "Teape, Printer, Tower-hill, London, for His Majesty's Stationery-Office." In certain images, eight stitches can be seen holding the pages of a section together, with the sections bound to the cover. Glue was not commonly used for binding. The cover looks generic for the era, probably thin leather stretched tightly over paperboard, commonly-used marble design.

The link may require a membership to function. If you don't have one, you may get a teaser result.

UK, British Army Muster Books and Pay Lists, 1812-1817

7th battalion of the 60th (Royal American) British Regiment of Foot, enter Lewis Wauty...

In a search for just the name Louis Wauthy at ancestry.ca, with no other qualifiers, I was directed to a record for a "Lewis Wauty", an Anglicized version of the French name.

"in the UK, British Army Muster Books and Pay Lists, 1812-1817 for Lewis Wauty, Infantry, Piece 07088: 60th Foot 7th Battalion (1813-1815)"

On September 10th, 1813, after being held as a prisoner of war for an unspecified time, LW had signed up with the British Army with quite a number of other foreign prisoners, of deserters, in a new battalion of the 60th Regiment of Foot, often referred to as the 7th/60th.

ChatGPT: "After their capture, these soldiers had a choice to remain in captivity, be repatriated to France as prisoners of war, or enlist in the service of their captors. Many chose the latter option and joined the British army. French soldiers who enlisted in the English (British) army after the Siege of San Sebastián in 1813 were often retrained and integrated into British units. "

The location in the muster book was Sandown, on the Isle of Wight.

ChatGPT: "During the Napoleonic Wars (1803-1815), the British government established several prisoner-of-war depots on the Isle of Wight to accommodate French and other enemy prisoners. These depots were responsible for detaining, guarding, and managing the prisoners. Conditions in these depots varied, and prisoners often faced hardships, including overcrowding, inadequate shelter, and insufficient rations. The treatment of prisoners of war during this period was a complex issue, influenced by factors such as the ongoing conflict, logistics, and diplomatic relations between nations."

To back this up a step, it is believed that the San Sebastián prisoners of war were on the Isle of Wight for at least a day when recruited, which would have meant that LW had surrendered or deserted and was captured an amount of time before September 10th, before the siege ended on September 8th, in fact. A period ship traveling at an average speed of 5 knots would cover 9.26 kilometers per hour. ChatGPT estimates the sailing time from San Sebastián to the Isle of Wight might be one to two weeks when factoring in wind and weather, the amount of daylight, ship load, crew skill and ship design - without logistics considerations like organizing a load of prisoners while preparing and provisioning a transport ship for the days ahead. The distance across the Bay of Biscay and up the English Channel is about 1,000 km. This would put the date of LW's actual surrender or capture into late August.

What is surprising is the fact that Lewis Wauty had signed for seven years. Either being a prisoner of war was worse than enlisting again or LW didn't mind being employed in the military. Overcrowding and unsanitary conditions on the Isle may have helped LW decide. His behaviour in the 7th/60th would tell the tale.

This page's headers look handwritten (harder-to-read), on smaller-sized blank hand-lined paper.

This list of names, with the first page dated August 30th (image 40 in the set), the Wauty page dated September 10th (image 46 in the set), and the summary page dated September 13th (image 52 in the set), is comprised of 355 names, grouped by enlistment date and alphabetically within that, suggesting some kind of transcription from other records. Pencilled-in notes show a calculation for 355 x £4 or £1420, plus £71 for a total of £1491. The £71 would be 4 shillings per man, with 20 shillings to a pound. An additional £17 75s would fit a calculation of 1 shilling per name, perhaps shown in error as £17 15s.

This next page (below, not shown in full, click it to view) confirms the count of 355 and the status of these "volunteers" as having been prisoners of war. They were received from the 2nd and 3rd Battalions of the 95th Regiment.

Paraphrasing ChatGPT: "Yes, the 2nd and 3rd Battalions of the 95th Regiment participated in the siege of San Sebastián. The 95th Rifles were known for their expertise in marksmanship and light infantry tactics."

The site warof1812.ca has a letter written by the Commander-in-Chief, the Right Honourable Lord Bathurst to the Secretary At War requesting the regiment's formation from some 1,200 "eligible subjects", German, French and other prisoners of war, who would sign up for 7 years' service for "the usual Bounty of four Guineas per man", in actuality 4 pounds 4 shillings per man (a guinea being equal to £1 1s), with another shilling paid to the bringer for each recruit, who could attest for the recruit. (I believe those recruits that needed them also got new shoes.) Bathurst wanted also to offer the recruits "the eventual grant of land in Canada after a service of five years".

The outfit would be called the 7th Battalion, 60th Regiment of Foot, with plans for its deployment in North America, initially for the war with the Americans (again) that would one day be called the War of 1812. Canada, as a British colony, was already in the fight. The battalion was raised under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Henry John, formerly of the 95th Rifles.

See more re-enactment images of the 7th Battalion, 60th 'Royal American' Regiment at the Mississinewa 1812 website.

With information from 7thbattalion60th.wordpress.com... The 7th/60th was so formed from a mixture of 840 Germans, Dutchmen, Swiss, Frenchmen and Hungarians. The non-French had been forced to fight for Napoleon's army. Details about the 7th's uniforms and equipment can be found here.

A book written by Nesbit Willoughby Wallace, Captain, 60th Royal Rifles, with the long title "Regimental Chronicle and List of Officers of The 60th, or The King's Royal Rifle Corps, formerly The 62nd, or The Royal Americam Regiment of Foot", published in London in 1879, interestingly by "Harrison, 59, Pall Mall, "bookseller to the Queen and H.R.H. the Prince of Wales" has a number of photos and illustrations - one of which is shown above, beside the re-enactment photo. The book's text and images are viewable online. A passage in it confirms information from other sources. Page 49: "September 1, 1813, Seventh Rifle Battalion was raised in Guernsey and formed of the German prisoners of war. It consisted of 840 rank and file, i.e. 640 Light Infantry, 200 Rifles."

Between the pages numbered 50 and 51 is a protective tissue covering a set of three drawings. The leftmost is the uniform of the 7th/60th as it was copied from the 5th/60th. The 7th would receive approval for green pants also. Noted for 1816, "The dress of the Regiment was changed this year to green jacket with short skirts, lapels lined with scarlet, scarlet cuffs and collars, two buttons on each; two rows of buttons in front , a gold bugle on the skirts, wings of gold chain and bullion, green pantaloons, and a cap of regulation pattern." This contradicts the wordpress.com description that the 7th started out with green pants.

In the book, the 60th, initially depôted in America, was depôted from 1763 (the end of the Seven Years' War) through 1823 on The Isle of Wight.

ChatGPT: "In military terminology, the term "Depôt" refers to a location or facility used as a headquarters or base for the storage of supplies, administration, and recruitment activities for a particular regiment or military unit. In the context of the British 60th Regiment, "Depôt - Isle of Wight" signifies that the Isle of Wight served as the central base or depot for the regiment's administrative, logistical, and training functions. The Depôt on the Isle of Wight was likely where activities such as recruiting, training, and organizing soldiers for deployment or reassignment took place. It was a central hub for the regiment's operational and administrative functions."

ChatGPT: "During the Napoleonic Wars, the Isle of Wight was used as a location for housing prisoners of war."

---

Chatham Barracks, on the River Medway...

A fellow researcher who is also a military historian (initials EW), informs us that the untrained 7th/60th was housed "briefly at Chatham Barracks in Kent before being stationed on Guernsey until March the following year".

Link to a bird's eye view painting of Chatham Dockyard, by Joseph Farington, created between 1785 and 1794. Look to magnify the image for greater detail. The large Chatham Barracks are shown on the right side. Below is about 20% of the full image, Chatham Barracks. There are several other images of the Dockyards that can be viewed at the Wikipedia link.

Chatham Barracks military base is located about 45 km. SE of London on the River Medway. Isle of Wight to Chatham Barracks: 300 km. Chatham Barracks to Guernsey Island: 450 km. With a sailing speed in fair weather and daylight of perhaps 15 km /hr, 11 hours per day, sailing time looks to be 2 days and 3 days respectively.

Q: What went on in Chatham England pertaining to the British military in the early 1800's?

ChatGPT: "In the early 1800s, Chatham in England was a significant naval and military center, playing a crucial role in supporting the British military. Chatham Dockyard, located on the River Medway, was one of the Royal Navy's principal dockyards and shipbuilding facilities during this period. Key aspects of Chatham's military significance in the early 1800s include:

Chatham Dockyard: The dockyard at Chatham was established in the 16th century and became a major shipbuilding and repair facility for the Royal Navy. In the early 1800s, it was heavily involved in the construction, repair, and maintenance of naval vessels. The dockyard played a vital role during times of war, such as the Napoleonic Wars, by providing the navy with the ships needed for its campaigns.

Naval Operations: Chatham played a role in supporting naval operations, and ships built or repaired at Chatham were often involved in significant naval engagements. During the Napoleonic Wars (1803-1815), the Royal Navy, with Chatham as a key facility, played a crucial role in maintaining a blockade against the French fleet, controlling the seas and contributing to the overall British military strategy.

Defensive Infrastructure: Chatham's strategic location on the River Medway made it important for the defense of southeastern England. The area had defensive fortifications, including the Chatham Lines, which were earthwork fortifications constructed to protect the dockyard from land-based attacks.

Military Presence: Chatham was not only a naval center but also had a military presence. The town housed barracks and garrisons for soldiers who were stationed to protect the dockyard and support naval operations.

Innovation and Technology: Chatham Dockyard was known for its contributions to shipbuilding technology and innovation. It was a place where new ship designs and construction techniques were developed, contributing to the ongoing modernization of the Royal Navy.

The early 1800s were a time of great naval expansion and conflict for Britain, and Chatham played a central role in supporting the maritime and military activities of the British Empire during this period. The dockyard continued to be important throughout the 19th century, adapting to changes in naval technology and warfare."

Battalion training on Channel Island Guernsey...

By November, the battalion was on the Channel Island of Guernsey being trained as light infantry.

Guernsey, a small triangular island of just 75 sq. km, about 100 km from the Isle of Wight, was well fortified on all sides. The training camp could have been near any of the existing fortifications or off by itself. An illustrated book called The History of the Island of Guernsey... by William Berry may contain relevant info to help with where exactly on the island LW was. A map in the book dated 1814 is well labeled. Once a name can be put on the location of the training camp, this map should show it. Use its navigational tools to enlarge.

ChatGPT: Training for the 7th Battalion, 60th Regiment of Foot would have included: 

"Drill and Discipline: The foundation of military training at the time was drill and discipline. Soldiers would undergo regular drills to learn and master close-order formations, maneuvers, and the use of their weapons. Discipline was enforced to maintain order and ensure soldiers followed commands promptly.

Weapons Training: Soldiers would receive extensive training in the use of their weapons, which typically included muskets and bayonets. This training aimed to make soldiers proficient in loading, firing, and maintaining their firearms, as well as engaging in bayonet combat.

Physical Conditioning: Physical fitness was crucial for soldiers, and training often included marching, running, and other physical exercises to ensure that the troops were in good shape for the demands of military campaigns.

Tactical Training: Soldiers were trained in tactical formations and movements to prepare them for engagements on the battlefield. This training included learning how to advance, retreat, form defensive lines, and maneuver as a cohesive unit.

Camp and Fieldcraft: Soldiers would be trained in various aspects of fieldcraft, including setting up and breaking down camp, navigation, and survival skills. This was essential for military operations in different environments.

Regimental Activities: Regimental life involved more than just training for battle. Soldiers would participate in various regimental activities, including parades, inspections, and ceremonies, fostering a sense of identity and camaraderie within the unit.

Specialized Training: Depending on the battalion's role and the skills needed, soldiers might receive specialized training. This could include training for marksmen, engineers, or other roles required for the specific mission."

---

"Monthly Return" reports for the 7th/60th...

In catching up with documentation provided by EW, I have been able to gather together more of the British military history of Louis Joseph Wauthy aka Lewis Wauty.

These Monthly Return reports came to me as several images for each month, typically four with some re-shot duplicates, for the period September 1813 on into 1815. This is the period of interest for LW, from his signing up to the end of the wars he had been drafted into.

The pamphlet-sized covers have some helpful information on them and there is meaningful information within. (I suppose these open out in some manner, but I have never seen one in overview.) The location of the battalion headquarters at the time, a count of batallion personnel, a breakdown by origin and occupation. Other pages report on comings and goings, state of health, inventory of material things, and if there have been inspections, the reports are typically included.

Note that the date of changeover month-to-month is the 25th in each case. The pages are pre-printed and can be filled out by entering information in the appropriate places.

These are the Monthly Return report covers for the months September 1813 through June 1815. Hover over an image to identify, then click to enlarge.

The 7th was shown as headquartered on the Isle of Wight on its first two monthly reports - September and October 1813.

A memorandum from the payroll muster book is of some interest. It states that no companies had been formed as of Sept. 24th so pay from a company could not be issued. The pay looks like it was to come from the company that enlisted the individual recruits. Whether or not the pay came on time may have become a point of contention for all of the recruits, something any government worker can understand. Once formed, Lewis Wauty would be assigned to Company 4.

The November 1813 report shows the headquarters as Guernsey. The 7th/60th was there until March of 1814. For all of the linguistic difficulties, the battalion was finally ready for active service. The size of the battalion's rank and file had grown from an initial 360 up to 812 at its peak as reported on March 25th.

The March 1814 Monthly Return (dated as they all are on the 25th of the month) shows the headquarters to be "Cove of ", referring to Cove, a natural harbor in County Cork, on the south coast of Ireland, which puts Lewis Wauty there awaiting transport to Nova Scotia with his battalion. Known as Queenstown from 1849 until 1920 and the Irish War of Independence, the name became Cobh (Irish, pronounced Cove) at that time. Cove (Queenstown) had historical significance as a strategic naval and military location in the 19th century. It served as a major base for the British Royal Navy and was an important transatlantic port for the British Empire. Ships and troops destined for North America, including Canada and the Maritimes, often departed from Cove (Queenstown)." Cobh is known for being the Titanic's last port of call in 1912.

This next snip has several items of interest. It reads: "MONTHLY RETURN of the 7th Batt. 60th Regiment of Foot of which His Royal Highness the Duke of York is Colonel. Head-Quarters on board the Benson Transport, Cove of Cork, 25th of March, 1814." If indeed the Benson was a transport ship, it may have taken more than one ship to transport a battalion comprised of 900 souls. The Benson could have been the vessel in command, though. Travel time from Guernsey Island to Cove of Cork is estimated to be 4 to 5 days.

On the March Monthly Return cover, note the new categories: men (19 and older), lads from 15 to 18, boys under 15. Service for life, or service for a limited time (7 years). The military could be a way of life for some. Also note the composition - English, Scotch and Irish were separated from foreigners. The reported numbers don't seem to add up in any way, suffice to say that almost the entire battalion is comprised of foreigners as was originally intended.

April's Monthly Return, dated April 25th, 1814 shows the headquarters to be "at sea". May's return, dated May 25th, 1814 also states the headquarters to still be "at sea".

The June Monthly Return, dated June 25th, 1814, and the subsequent reports through April 25th, 1815 all show the battalion's headquarters to be Halifax.

---

Refining the dates of departure and arrival...

It is difficult to be any more precise with just the Monthly Returns than to say that something happened between the 26th of one month and the 25th of the month following. To refine the date of arrival in Halifax, I turned to Nova Scotia Archives and the pages of the Acadian Recorder.

The Acadian Recorder, described in its own October 22nd, 1814 edition as being "a pure English paper, without any American feelings about it, and which undoubtedly speaks the sentiments of the British Naval and Military Officers who support it", is considered to be a "newspaper of record" in Halifax.

Published weekly, the May 28th and June 4th editions contain pertinent information in the "Ship News" section.

Volume 2, Number 22, page 3, May 28th, 1814, SHIP NEWS, Halifax, May 27... "arr. brigs Brothers, Jane, and Star, Capt. Disbrow, from Liverpool; brig Forth, from Glasgow; Transport ship Rolo, and Matilda; Transport ship Regulus, from off New-London. The above vessels are part of the fleet which sailed from Cork, 10th April, under convoy of H.M. ships Leander and Hamdryad. One Company of Artillery, and 7th battalion of the 60th regt. were in the fleet, for this Garrison and troops for Canada." (Note: Nova Scotia didn't join Canada until July 1, 1867.)

Volume 2 Number 23, page 3, June 4th, 1814, SHIP NEWS, Halifax, May 28, to June 1... "Also arr. L'Espoir, Capt. Russell, from Cork -- Curlew capt. Head, from a cruise -- transport ships Benson, and Matilda, (ditto)". So, the Benson is a transport ship, it did leave from Cork and arrive in Halifax, and it was accompanied by the Matilda, 900 men in the Battalion probably divided across these two vessels.

These are great articles with lots of colour, worth reading in their entirety.

Refined, the 7th/60th leaves Cove of Cork on April 10th, 1814, aboard two transport ships - the Benson and the Matilda.

A painting that may be of the Matilda later in the 19th century can be viewed in full size here.

The Benson may be the ship described at Wikipedia on this page.

During April and May, the battalion was transported to Halifax, with the Matilda arriving first, on May 27th, and the Benson arriving the following day (May 28th).

Louis Joseph Wauthy has arrived in Nova Scotia, as part of the 7th/60th battalion, on either the Benson or the Matilda, on May 27th or May 28th, 1814.

Their mission, aside from the No. 1 and No. 10 companies, "...the remainder of the battalion guarded Nova Scotia against American seaborne raids until the conclusion of the war; companies were concentrated in Halifax and Annapolis Royal".

---

Battalion inspection, June, 1814...

To compress by a few more days the chronological gap between the last record of LW and the first record of JJT, there is note of an inspection of the 7th Battalion, 60th Foot in Halifax in June, 1814 at warof1812.ca that speaks of difficulties with language and retraining. In an inspection report dated June 25th, 1814, Major General Duncan Darroch writes that on the "23^d" he inspected the 7th/60th. This image snip confirms this.

Notable comments in the report include: (paraphrased) that the men have received the written rules and regulations but can't read English; that the men can be paid for the month of June but March, April and May will have to wait until the PayMaster arrives; the latest 45 recruits were still owed their bounty; the officers, non-commissioned officers and men are dressed in green; this battalion has no regimental school; the men regularly attend divine service on Sunday held by the garrison chaplain, other denominations are marched to their several places of worship.

Darroch would write a report in November after an inspection in October 1814 also. The reports are created twice yearly.

The reports are written in a fashion that reminds me of boilerplate paragraphs. Sometimes the wording is identical from one report to the next, or very close to it. The sequence of items addressed appears to be fixed, with a topic shown in the margin (like Adjutant, Paymaster, Buglers, Clothing, or Ammunition - probably so that nothing gets missed.

These are the pages of the June 25th inspection report. Click to enlarge. They can be read through to learn more about this battalion and the times.

---

Brief summary of relevant dates to this point, derived from the Monthly Returns...

The Monthly Return report dates can be used to figure out where members of the 7th/60th likely were between the formation of the battalion and the end of the two conflicts LW had been drafted into - the War of 1812 which ended in January 1815 and the Napoleonic wars which ended in June 1815.

We are, after all, trying to put Louis Joseph Wauthy, aka Lewis Wauty, into Jean Jacques (Jacob) Thibeau's shoes 10 years before JJT petitioned for a land grant in Cape Breton in 1824. This timeframe brackets the correct year.

The fact that there is a large gap in the dates of the Monthly Returns leaves one to speculate as to when in the month certain events actually took place. Take "awaiting transport to Canada" as an example. The battalion left Guernsey for Cove of Cork on February 26th or after. There would be a certain amount of travel time. Arrival in Cove of Cork occurred by March 25th. The 7th waited to be loaded aboard a transport ship. The sea crossing typically took weeks to months, depending on ship size and type, convoy speed limitations, winds and weather, trouble en route and stops. The May 25 monthly report showed they hadn't arrived as yet, but the June 25th report shows they had, just not when exactly between these dates. Other reports and documentation are needed to make the timeline any more precise.

Because we have the two Acadian Recorder articles in hand, I have included their revelations in this table.

Note: this table, primarily built with information from the monthly reports, will be refined, corrected and expanded as more material is presented below. To jump to the most complete and correct summary of LW's location in time, click here, or continue to take in the events in the order they were discovered.

Dates and events determined by examining these Monthly Returns for the 7th/60th Battalion	Headquarters Location	Rank and File numbers
September 25, 1813 through October 25, 1813, British prisoner of war facility	Isle of Wight	361 grew to 576
contributor EW: "briefly at Chatham Barracks in Kent before being stationed on Guernsey until March the following year"	Chatham Barracks in Kent	(source document tbd)
November 25, 1813 through February 25, 1814, infantry training	Channel Island of Guernsey	grown to 760
by March 25, 1814, awaiting transport to Canada, headquarters on the transport ship Benson	Cove of Cork, Ireland	grown to 812
April 25, 1814 through May 25, 1814, transport to Canada	At Sea	812 dips to 811
by end of May, 1814, the battalion arrives in Halifax	Halifax	811
the 7th/60th is assigned the task of guarding Nova Scotia and its waters from American assault	Halifax	811
June, 1814, battalion inspection	Halifax	811
June 25, 1814 through November 25, 1814, manning the Halifax Garrison, deployments	Halifax	809, down to 785
October 25, 1814 through March 25, 1815, Company 2 is deployed to Cape Breton	Halifax	785, 67 deployed to Cape Breton
by April 25, 1815 Cape Breton deployment location is now noted as being Sydney, the town	Halifax	781, 67 deployed to Sydney
May, 1815 through December, 1815, a deployment to Sydney was maintained	Halifax	781, up to 70 deployed to Sydney

---

Deployment to Cape Breton, 7th Battalion, Company 2...

Between September 26th and October 25th, 1814, officers and 67 privates of Company 2 are deployed to Cape Breton, Nova Scotia. It would take a sailing ship traveling at 5 to 7 knots one- to two weeks to complete the 200 knot journey, prevailing Westerleys and fair weather permitting. The deployment will remain there until at least December 25th, 1815 with numbers rising to 70 briefly then falling back to 68 at year's end.

On the October 31, 1814, Field Return, Captain E.B. Eberstein (age 35, 10 3/4 years service, had been with the 7th since at least June of 1814) is absent, "on command at Cape Breton". Ensign Charles Harris is also "on command in Cape Breton".

Monthly reports beginning in April, 1815 indicate that the deployment was to Sydney, the town rather than the county.

This deployment to Cape Breton could have been of special interest to this story if LW had been deployed there, deserted there, and made his way to Manchester, Sydney County from there, perhaps passing through the River Bourgeois area en route.

One bit of information came to be understood when studying the payroll lists that prevents this from being true - for the moment anyway. LW had been assigned to Company 4 after the companies had first been formed near the end of September 1813. The company that had been deployed to Cape Breton was Company 2. There are notes beside the entries for all of the privates in Company 2, beginning in October, 1814, that state they are "On Command at Cape Breton". (This note would eventually be refined to "On Command at Sydney" in April, 1815.)

There were other deployments for members of the 7th/60th, beginning in July of 1814. Locations included: Annapolis, Birch Cove, Fort Charlotte, Fort Clarence, Fort Cumberland (new Brunswick/Nova Scotia border), Halifax Jail, Harbour Posts, Maugher's Beach, Melville Island (military prison), Point Pleasant, Prince Edward Island and 10 Mile House. All but Annapolis, Fort Cumberland, Prince Edward Island and Cape Breton were in the immediate vicinity of Halifax.

Two noted deployments without specific location were described as "working at the roads" and "on command with a dispatch" (which I take to mean sent to deliver a message). In December, 1814, one man was deployed "at Canada" i.e. outside Nova Scotia. The largest deployment noted was 132 men to Annapolis in January, 1815. Perhaps LW was sent to one or another of these places at some point during his service rather than being in Halifax the whole time.

Details about the deployment to the outpost at Cape Breton can help with overall comprehension of the times LW lived in, so they have been included here.

Regarding Sydney, the county or the town... From the Nova Scotia Archives county maps page, "Sydney County was created in 1784 to administer the eastern mainland of Nova Scotia (now Antigonish and Guysborough Counties). During the years 1824-36, Sydney County was divided into defined upper and lower districts; the Lower District of Sydney became Guysborough County in 1836; the Upper District reverted to the original name (Sydney County), which was changed to Antigonish County in 1863." "Sydney (the town) was founded in 1785 by the British. Sydney served as the Cape Breton Island's colonial capital, until 1820, when the colony merged with Nova Scotia and the capital moved to Halifax."

A thesis found on the Internet called Orphan Outpost: Cape Breton Colony 1781+-1820 written by Robert J. Morgan has a comment in it confirming that it was Sydney, the town, that the 7th/60th was deployed to in 1814-1815, taking this question off the table. This thesis looks to have other good information in it for future reading. The Google search result for the title of this thesis provides a link to directly download the 286-page thesis from the University of Ottawa (page 208 to start).

Acting Lieutenant Governor Hugh Swayne "hoped for military support from Halifax. No help came from that quarter, however; for though the ill-clothed, neglected 104th Regiment (The New Brunswick Fencibles) had been withdrawn, and Halifax sent another company to relieve them, Swayne would not tolerate their inefficient state. He could not get them replaced until 1814 when a Company of the 7th (Battalion) of the 60th Regiment was sent, though they were on call for removal without warning."

It would be the goings on in the area, along and off the coast, in Sydney Harbour and for the 300-resident town itself, that the 7th was there for. Food, firewood and other supplies would come from the town of 300 people and other area residents.

A very high resolution map found online (MacInlay's Map of The Province of Nova Scotia, 1865) shows points of interest. Give it time to load when zooming in and out. A map of this quality and date will have relative accuracy compared to earlier maps, but sought-after names may be absent or just be different.

An 1815 Sketch of the Military Ground at Sydney is available for viewing at the Nova Scotia Archives. Noted locations on the sketch are: Jail, Guard Room, Artillery Barrack, Magazine, Commissariat Store, Officer's Barrack, Soldier's Barrack and Canteen. Site of the old barrack and site proposed for the new barrack speaks to how long the post is expected to be there. The battery consisted of: 2.6 and 2.10 pounders. Redoubt mounting for 2.6 and 2.10 pounders.

(ChatGPT: A redoubt is a type of fortification or defensive structure designed to provide protection and cover for soldiers. Redoubts are typically small, enclosed defensive positions, often shaped like a square or polygon, and can be used as temporary or semi-permanent defensive positions during battle or in strategic locations. A redoubt may mount several types of defensive structures or artillery, including cannons or artillery pieces, mounted guns, or other small arms." In any case, we are not talking about sixty-seven men and officers living in tents or roughing it on the ground in all weather.

ChatGPT: "Rations often included basic food items such as hardtack (a type of durable biscuit), salted or preserved meat, dried peas or beans, flour, and occasionally rice or vegetables. Soldiers might also have received a supply of rum or other spirits as part of their daily allowances for drink. The availability of fresh food or supplements to their basic rations might have depended on local resources or trade, and soldiers might have occasionally foraged or purchased additional food or drink to supplement their standard rations."

I take it that the guns could be pointed seaward in defense of the harbour and town. A map in the thesis on page 67 does not show its location, but it is stated in the thesis that, in the absence of help from Halifax, "some of the rum revenue was used to re-build the redoubt and barracks near the mines and South Bar". The mines were closer to the opening of the harbour to the Atlantic, to Spanish (or Spaniard's) Bay, on the north side. South Bar can readily be found on maps. This location would protect the Southwest Arm where the town was located. This information from northamericanforts.com seems to fit: "Fort Prince Edward, (1794-1854), South Bar. Initially only a guardhouse and magazine. Known locally as Fort Gow or Fort Guion. A blockhouse was built in 1813, demolished in 1862. The actual spot of the post has since been eroded away." The harbour is less than 3 km wide for much of it. Solid-shot 2.10 pound guns had a range of about half the distance across the harbour.

A photo taken in 1943 entitled South Bar Fort can be found at Beaton Institute Digital Archives. If accurate, locating the "bar" on any map would give an approximate location. This is a link to a 360º image taken at the bar. Not much to look at - still, interesting. You can see the open expanse of Sydney Harbour north and south of the bar, Spanish Bay on the northeastern horizon. Erosion and tides change the feature hourly. Not deep, something like 6 or 7 fathoms on early charts, would only have limited access to the largest ships of the time. There is a North Bar, on the opposite side of the harbour.

Belcher's map of Nova Scotia and Cape Breton, first published July 10, 1834, "Second Edition - corrected to 1866", of the shows several of these features. Click to enlarge. Link to the image source. N. Bar is North Bar, S. Bar is South Bar. Looks like a railway has been built to take coal from the mines to a "loading ground" for shipping.

For argument's sake, the earliest photos date back to the 1830's and 1840's. Maps, especially those that are illustrated, can help with visual comprehension. Illustrations and depictions of more important locations and events that may help the imagination are available at many online libraries and museums.

"North America, Cape Breton Island, Sydney Harbour", surveyed by Captain H.W. Bayfield.

This link is to a different map of the Sydney Harbour area as it was known at the end of the 19th century. Click here to view a pertinent snip of it stored locally. South Bar is shown on this map as S.E. Bar. The counterpoint is N.W. Bar on the opposite side of the harbour. Understandably so, compass opposites at approximately 315º and 135º. The numbers are the depths of water, in feet, as surveyed in 1849, probably at neutral tide. Use the Archives navigational tools to enlarge so all details can be viewed. Some details noted on it may not have existed in 1814, 85 years earlier, when Lewis Wauty was in the area.

---

Meanwhile, back in Halifax...

...the four-page inspection report written by Major General Duncan Darroch on Nov. 7, 1814 has a passage describing the privates. "A tolerable good body of men. Their appearance is healthy. The number actually in the ranks correspond with the returns there. Men will require a good deal of attention before they can be reported to be well drilled. There are some characters in this regiment (French, I believe) that are not well behaved and rum being so easily procured it is difficult to keep the men from drinking. No man is kept on the strength of the regiment who is not clothed & does not do duty as a soldier." As to the report in its entirety, an officer's view on inspection day might well be different from a private's view day to day. LW did seem to have a mind of his own.

Another bit has modern-day implications. "Vaccine innoculation has been introduced into the Corps & no man has been kept on the sick list for slight or equivocal complaints." This was probably a reference to the smallpox vaccine and to the returning to service those soldiers who might be faking illness or playing up slight injuries.

ChatGPT: "The first smallpox vaccination in the British Army, often considered a pivotal moment in the history of vaccination, was administered by Dr. Edward Jenner in 1796. Dr. Jenner is credited with developing the smallpox vaccine, which used cowpox virus to provide immunity against smallpox. He successfully tested the vaccine on a young boy named James Phipps. It's important to note that the smallpox vaccine was initially met with some skepticism and resistance, but over time, its effectiveness and the eradication of smallpox contributed to its widespread adoption in the British military and other armed forces around the world. By 1814, smallpox vaccination had likely become a standard practice in the British military as it was in many other nations."

Was Lewis a vaccine denier - enough that he might desert because of this? Had he been ill or injured and not provided with adequate care or recovery time?

Inspection Report, page 1	Inspection Report, page 1, snip	Inspection Report, page 2	Inspection Report, page 3	Inspection Report, page 4

A paragraph on page two of the inspection report may speak to Wauty's situation if he thought he had been treated unfairly during his court martial for beating up the bugler. Even though LW's sentence was remitted, he may have thought the process unjust, and could happen again if he was similarly charged with something. Noted in the report as being an extract from the Regimental Court Martial Book: "It is necessary to state here the Commanding Officer has received a warrant for holding regimental General Courts Martial without the proper authority for appointing a deputy Judge Advocate, & it appears by his instructions these Courts Martial cannot assemble without this Judge Advocate." This would presuppose LW had counsel of some kind to point this out to him for it seems a bit beyond an average man's abilities to understand what this might mean.

I threw this at ChatGPT and got this back: "This situation could potentially raise concerns about the legal proceedings' validity or adherence to proper military legal procedures, as a deputy Judge Advocate typically plays an important role in ensuring the legal integrity of the court martial process."

---

Who knew?

One would think that there is a good chance that Lewis Wauty's family back home was aware of all this especially if he had been sending money home while a member of the 22nd Infantry Line Regiment. There must have been a report sent from the British to the French about prisoners taken at San Sebastián (a bi-directional courtesy). The question here would be: was LW captured as a deserter leaving the area or did he turn himself in? Clearly, though, he was not part of the negotiated surrender that allowed his regiment to literally march away with military honour.

When he signed with the British, the French army would likely have been told this also, a bit of salt in the wound. The family would, in turn, be told this as well. Somewhere there must be French records of this, written in French, harder to find and requiring translation for comprehension.

This dialogue with ChatGPT about a soldier's ability and opportunity to communicate with their families is lengthy, so I have used a smaller font. It is hard to paraphrase, all good information, but I did alter parts and I changed the presentation to make it tighter.

Question: In 1814, did the English Army hold pay for the recruits like a bank?

ChatGPT: "In 1814, the British Army did not operate in a manner where it held pay for recruits like a bank. Instead, soldiers in the British Army, including recruits, were paid according to established military pay schedules and practices of the time. Here's how the payment system generally worked for British soldiers in the early 19th century:

Soldiers received regular pay according to their rank and length of service. This pay was usually issued on a monthly or quarterly basis. In addition to their regular pay, soldiers might receive various allowances or bonuses based on their duties, service in certain regions, or other factors. Certain deductions or stoppages were made from a soldier's pay to cover various expenses, including food, clothing, and other necessities. Soldiers were often provided with food and clothing by the army, but these items were not "free" and were deducted from their pay. Soldiers could also have fines or deductions from their pay for disciplinary infractions or debts.

It's worth noting that the pay and conditions for soldiers during this period were often modest, and soldiers' financial affairs were handled within the military structure rather than through external banking systems as we know them today."

Question: How was this handled in France?

ChatGPT: "In France during the early 19th century, the pay and financial arrangements for soldiers in the French army were also handled differently from modern banking systems. The French army had its own system for paying and supporting its troops, and it operated as follows:

Similar to the British system, soldiers in the French army were paid according to their rank and length of service. Higher-ranking officers received more pay than lower-ranking soldiers. Soldiers received their regular pay at established intervals, typically on a monthly basis. Soldiers might receive various allowances based on factors such as their rank, length of service, and specific duties. For example, officers might receive additional allowances for their higher responsibilities.

Deductions or stoppages were made from a soldier's pay to cover expenses such as food, clothing, and equipment. The army often provided these items to the soldiers, and the costs were deducted from their pay. Similar to the British system, fines or deductions could be imposed on soldiers for disciplinary infractions or debts.

Instead of using traditional currency, soldiers often received a form of military scrip, which was a type of paper currency issued by the army. This scrip could be used for purchases within the military system, such as in military canteens and stores.

Soldiers who had family members accompanying them might have allowances provided for their families' support, although these were usually modest."

Question: How would an infantryman in either army send money home? Could part of his pay be witheld and sent home for him?

ChatGPT: "During the early 19th century, it was possible for infantrymen in both the British and French armies to send money home to their families, although the methods and regulations varied between the two armies.

In the British Army, soldiers had several options for sending money home to their families. Soldiers could voluntarily arrange for a portion of their pay to be allotted to their families or designated recipients. These allotments were deducted from the soldier's pay before they received it, and the funds were sent to the specified recipient. Soldiers could also purchase money orders or pay drafts from the army's paymasters, which were then sent to their families or designated recipients. This allowed for a secure and reliable means of transferring funds. In some cases, soldiers might send money home through personal remittances, such as giving cash to trusted comrades or friends who were returning home.

In the French army, soldiers had somewhat similar options for sending money home. Soldiers in the French army could also arrange for allotments of their pay to be sent to their families. These allotments were known as "rémunérations". Similar to the British system, French soldiers could use money orders or "mandats" to send funds to their families. These could be obtained through military pay offices. Soldiers might also rely on personal networks and acquaintances to send money home. This could involve entrusting cash to comrades or friends who were returning to their hometowns."

Both armies recognized the importance of supporting soldiers' families and provided mechanisms for soldiers to send money home. These options helped ensure that soldiers' families had some financial security while their loved ones were away on military service. The specific procedures and regulations for these transactions would have been established and managed by the respective army's paymasters and authorities."

Question: Could infantrymen in either army send and receive mail?

ChatGPT (paraphrased): "Infantrymen in both the British and French armies during the early 19th century could send and receive mail.

The British army established field post offices in various locations to collect and distribute mail. Soldiers could drop off their letters at these post offices. A military mail service was responsible for transporting and delivering letters between soldiers and their families. Letters were usually transported in bulk, and the military post service had its own postal routes. The French army had a similar system of field post services to handle soldiers' mail. It had its own postal routes to transport and deliver mail in a timely manner to and from the front lines. Both armies employed censorship to prevent the transmission of sensitive information (identification, location, condition, capabilities)."

Question: "What was done to assist the illiterate?

ChatGPT: "During the early 19th century, illiterate soldiers in both the British and French armies received various forms of assistance to help them with communication, record-keeping, and understanding military orders. Here are some of the measures taken to assist illiterate soldiers:

1. Illiterate soldiers often relied on their literate comrades and officers for assistance. They might ask fellow soldiers to read or write letters for them, interpret orders, or help with paperwork.

2. In some regiments, there were designated individuals known as "regimental scribes" or "company clerks" who were responsible for handling administrative tasks, including writing and reading letters for illiterate soldiers. These individuals were often chosen for their literacy skills.

3. Some armies provided basic literacy training to illiterate soldiers. This training might include basic reading and writing skills to help soldiers better understand orders and communicate with their superiors.

4. For soldiers who struggled with reading and writing, pictorial aids or symbols might be used to convey information. These aids could be included in military manuals or orders to help soldiers understand instructions.

5. In situations where written communication was challenging, oral communication played a crucial role. Orders and instructions were often delivered orally by officers and NCOs to ensure that all soldiers, including the illiterate, understood them.

6. Military forms and records might be simplified or adapted to make them more accessible to illiterate soldiers. This could involve the use of symbols, marks, or simple codes.

7. Soldiers were encouraged to work together in a buddy system. This meant that illiterate soldiers often had a literate "buddy" who would help them navigate administrative tasks and ensure they were aware of important information.

It's important to note that while illiteracy was relatively common among soldiers during this era, armies recognized the importance of ensuring that all soldiers could effectively communicate and understand orders. Various measures were taken to accommodate the needs of illiterate soldiers and facilitate their participation in military life."

To these points, passages in the memoirs of Francis Barnett entitled "The Hero of No Fiction" (published 1823, readable online) speak to the need for assistance with reading and writing, the cost to those in need, and the ethics of some of those providing the assistance. Beginning on page 296, Francis Barnett enlisted in the British Army in 1817 "intending, by procuring extra employ by writing, by which I could save sufficient money to purchase my discharge in Canada, which I supposed I should soon be able to do, as I understood that good penmen were very scarce in Quebec". (This would be true also of Nova Scotia.)

FB: "I went to the depót, Isle of Wight, and from Cowes we sailed, in August, 1817, for Canada." "I had not been long at Quebec, before I became in great requisition for writing letters for the poor men in our regiment, and that of the 60th, who, as well as the non-commissioned officers, (who) were dreadfully at a loss to make out their reports and accounts, being nearly the whole of them foreigners. During the whole of my life I do not recollect that I ever felt so much solid satisfaction as I did for the first and second months after my arrival."

FB: "The poor soldiers previously were obliged to pay sixpence (note: the equivalent of a day's pay) for the writing of a letter; but now I reduced the price to one penny, and found paper, pens and wax; and this I was enabled to do, as having money, I purchased wholesale in the town. This gave great discontent to those mercenary scribblers (for there are mercenary scribblers in the army, as well as among dissenting ministers) who take a mean advantage of the necessities of the poor, and are enraged at everyone who will not unite in perpetrating their oppressive conduct; and, as these envious and avaricious writers were employed in the regimental orderly room, and had great influence with the non-commissioned officers, my conduct and motives were misrepresented, and extra duty apportioned to me as if from some other cause."

"I soon, however, became acquainted with the cause of disapprobation, and dealt out a death-like blow to these poltroons. I found that those non-commissioned officers (in general, the best soldiers) who could not write, paid these gentlemen half-a-crown a hundred for preparing their daily scrips of duty; I reduced the price to a quarter-dollar (1s. 3d.) at once, and afterwards to one shilling, doing, for those who employed me, other writing; such as taking a copy of the daily reports, &c. into the bargain; so that I became a monopolist, and created in the bosoms of these little great men, as much envy, as exists in some of our inferior merchants to the great continental monopolists: but my monopoly was that of duty and not of wealth."

In addition to the possibility, even the likehood, that an illiterate person would overpay for the assistance they received, that same person would have no way of checking and approving the quality or accuracy of the work done by these "scribblers".

A small paymaster's allowance for postage and stationery for regiments serving abroad might have been of slight benefit to Lewis or others that may have been writing home.

Life in Halifax in 1814...

Infantryman Lewis Wauty, as part of the 7th Battalion, 60th Foot regiment, had been assigned the task of guarding Nova Scotia "against American seaborne raids until the conclusion of the war". This may have meant time at sea, or just guarding the port of Halifax against invasion. Guarding, for the most part, may have simply meant just being there, making Halifax an uninviting target.

Different from life in the field, Halifax may have been open for LW to experience when not on duty. As a budding international port of call, there would have been lots of excitement for a 26-year-old. Ships of all shapes and sizes coming and going; trade and commerce (some legal, some not) in at least two languages; military troop movements and re-supply; trans-oceanic passengers, immigrants arriving; food, drink, entertainment, even sports and other forms of recreation come to mind. Living away from the barracks may have also been possible. Even having a wife and children while enlisted was possible. Employment opportunities that may have paid substantially more than an infantryman received may have been observed, inquired about and even offered. Halifax would experience growth.

If LW's ambition was to receive a grant of land that may have been proffered or promised to him when he enlisted, he would have had the opportunity to learn about grants first hand in Halifax, to see the families of successful land grant petitioners arriving from England, Scotland, and Ireland, going about the business of stocking up for their journeys to their allocated lot of land. Others arriving who had the intention of buying land could be learned from also.

There was a difference between a UEL and a member of the 7th/60th, though, that of nationality. This difference may have been lost on LW who may have thought that the required years of service would earn him similar rights to someone who is, at their core, a British citizen. What decision would those in power make, and when would they make it?

This account comes from the library at Dalhousie University in Halifax, a 15-page portion of an edition of the Dalhousie Review, published in 1943.

HALIFAX DURING AND AFTER THE WAR OF 1812, written by J.S. MARTELL

Beamish Murdoch, Martell writes, who lived through it as a boy and later studied it as an historian, recorded these impressions: "The effects of the war upon this province, and particularly upon the people of Halifax, were very marked. Always sympathizing closely with the national glory of Great Britain, they were now drawn more than ever to feel a lively interest in military and naval transactions. The operations of the combatants were brought much more near than ever, and on the sea were more frequent. Our harbour had become the temporary home of the ships of war, and the place where their prizes were brought and disposed of .... The little capital, then occupying a restricted space, became crowded. Trade was active. Prices rose. The fleet increasing, provisions were in great demand. Rents of houses and buildings in the town were doubled and trebled. A constant bustle existed in our chief streets. Cannon were forever noisy. It was the salute of a man-of-war entering or leaving, practising with the guns, or celebrating something or somebody."

Martell: "The moral state of the town, as might be expected, was deplorable. With eight or ten thousand soldiers, sailors, and paroled prisoners on the loose, grog shops, dancing halls and brothels beckoned at every turn."

Although only a child in 1812, T. B. Akins had many firsthand accounts when he wrote: "A portion of Grafton Street was known under the appelation of · Hogg Street, from a house of ill-fame kept by a person of that name. The upper street along the base of Citadel Hill between the north and south barracks (now part of Brunswick Street) was known as "Knock Him Down" Street in consequence of the number of affrays and even murders committed there. No person of any character ventured to reside there, nearly all the buildings being occupied as brothels for the soldiers and sailors."

A fine map of Halifax dated 1749-1830 has incredible detail, oh that it had more. A bit tricky to find the zoom feature, but once found you should get results even better than this. The infamous "Knock-'em-down" Street.

Beautiful script, look for labels like this: "Ferry to Dartmouth estab' Dec. 1750. John Connor, ferry man."

An ad inserted in the Acadian Recorder in 1813 for the crewing up of the storied ship Tartarus (image), described by Wikipedia as being a "16-gun fireship launched in 1806, reclassified as a sloop (in) 1808", tells an enticing tale: "...has one deck to sleep under and another to dine on. Dry Hammocks, regular meals, and plenty of Grog - the main brace always spliced when it rains or blows hard. A few months more cruising, just to enable her brave crew to get Yankee Dollars enough to make them marry their sweethearts, buy farms and live snug during the Peace that is now close aboard of us." One report tells of action under Captain John Pasco serving off the American coast - that the Tartarus captured ten American vessels between October 1812 and January 1813. In the same helpful thesis (above), and on the same page, is this view of Lieutenant Governor Swayne: "The greatest threat was a sea attack. During the summer of 1812 American privateers upset fishing and navigation off Arichat. Though small boats close to shore avoided the enemy, more protection was needed off the coast. Only two ships cruised the Cape Breton coasts, the Tartarus off the Gut of Canso, and the frigate Nymph (image). So poor was coastal intelligence that American privateers boldly established signals between Spanish Bay and Cape North, threatening Maritime-Canadian trade."

ChatGPT: "Privateering, a practice dating back centuries, involved privately owned and armed vessels, known as privateers, authorized by a government to engage in maritime warfare against enemy ships during times of conflict. These privateers operated under a "letter of marque" or "letters of marque and reprisal," official documents granting them legal authority to capture or destroy enemy vessels and loot cargo. The letters of marque detailed the conditions, rules, and limitations under which privateers could operate, enabling them to raid and seize enemy ships as a form of state-sanctioned piracy. Privateering was seen as a means to weaken the enemy's maritime trade and bolster a nation's own naval power. However, it often led to questionable practices, blurring the lines between legitimate warfare and piracy, causing economic disruptions, and leading to moral and legal controversies regarding the rights of captured crews and seized cargo."

Martell: "While young Haligonians serving on His Majesty's ships or local privateers filled their pockets with the old Spanish pieces of eight, then common currency, some of their elders who traded with the Yankees or speculated in privateers made substantial fortunes. Enos Collins, who seems to have had an interest in a number of privateers, cleared upwards of £30,000 from this source alone in 1814. Richard John Uniacke, who was Advocate General of the Vice-Admiralty Court which auctioned off the prizes, is said to have made £50,000 in fees before the war was over. Although the money rolled in as never before, there was no direct taxation. The only war taxes were the additional excise duties of fourpence per gallon on rum and sixpence per gallon on other distilled liquors and all wines."

Another ad, in the December 3rd, 1814 edition, adds some colour to the times. Importer Joseph Hamilton has received new goods from England by the brig Nixon, for his Water Street store. From great coats to brown milk pans, &c. He would likely import anything he thought he could sell.

Money to be made buying and selling, even just in the handling of goods. With more demand than supply, even mundane trade like this would be very profitable. LW was probably well aware. Did he have a shopkeeper's or merchant's ambitions and instincts?

"Knock Him Down" Street (see Martell article above) may help explain an incident noted in the military records for the "7^th Batt. 60^th Reg' of Foot" on a page about crimes tried by a Regimental Court Martial between June 25th and October 24th, 1814. Lewis Wauty was awarded the punishment of 100 lashes for "beating bugler Horschman in the street". (100 lashes was actually the low end, with some being awarded punishments of 300 lashes for the likes of stabbing a fellow private with a bayonet. Many judgments, though, were remitted or reduced.) LW's punishment was remitted for an unstated reason. As it turns out, Horschman may have been no angel. In a different report dated November 1st, 1814 to June 7th, 1815, a bugler named Horschman is charged with "being out of barracks at tattoo", 100 lashes awarded, 25 inflicted. Also in this report, a bugler named Horschman is awarded 200 lashes "for being drunk on guard". In a report dated "from 6th June to 24th October 1814", a bugler named Horschman is charged with being "drunk on parade". Horschman's punishment of 100 lashes is reduced to "7 days confined".

Had LW been unhappy with his situation in Halifax? Was he acting out on hostilities he felt towards his situation? Had word come down about the land grant offer? Or was it this judgment itself that soured him on British military life and start him thinking about deserting again?

Use this link to view the full page.

The first image shows the page title and column headers. The second image shows the entry for L. Wauty. Click either to enlarge.

(In a similar report for the period September 26th, 1813 to June 24th, 1814,Wauty's name does not appear.)

---

The pay of an infantryman in the 7th Battalion, 60th Regiment of Foot, in 1814...

With records from: British Army Muster Books and Pay Lists, 1812-1817 at ancestry.co.uk. Piece 07088: 60th Foot 7th Battalion, 1813-1815.

Lewis Wauty's entries on the British Army payroll began with the bounty he was paid when first signing, back on September 10, 1813.

"the usual Bounty of four Guineas per man", in actuality 4 pounds 4 shillings per man, a guinea being equal to £1 1s.

Following the bounty, there are entries roughly every quarter showing what Lewis had earned. This series of images have been taken from the muster book entries for the 7th Battalion, 60th Regiment of Foot. Each represents what LW was to be paid for his recorded service time.

Bounty promised, September 10, 1813	£4 4s (4 guineas, one time)
Sept. 11 to Sept. 24, 1813	15s 15 days (1 shilling per day)
Sept. 25 to Dec. 24, 1813	£4 9s 6+31+30+24=91 days (1 shilling most days)
Dec. 25 to March 24, 1813-14	£4 5s 6d 6+31+29+24 = 90 days (1shilling most days)
March 25 to May 24, 1814	£1 10s 6d 6+30+24 = 61 days (6d, or sixpence, per day)
May 25 to June 24, 1814	15s 6d 31 days (6d, or sixpence, per day)
June 25 to Sept. 24, 1814	£2 6s 6+31+31+24 = 92 days (6d, or sixpence, per day)
November 29, 1814	Desertion	Noted in the pay list for Sept. 25 to Dec. 24, 1814. Pay reduced to 66 days served, £1 13s. (His fellows got £2 5s 6d for 91 days.)
Sept. 25 to Nov. 29, 1814	£1 13s 6+31+29 = 66 days (6d, or sixpence, per day)

ChatGPT: "In Halifax in 1814, various types of currency would have been in circulation. The monetary system in that era was diverse, and different forms of currency were used for transactions. There were:

British Pounds, Shillings, and Pence: The official currency in the British colonies, including Halifax, was the pound (£), shilling (s), and pence (d). 12 pence in a shilling and 20 shillings in a pound.

Spanish Dollars: Spanish dollars, also known as pieces of eight, were commonly used in international trade and were often circulated in the American colonies.

Local Banknotes: Various banks issued their own banknotes. These banknotes could represent a specific value and were used as a form of paper currency.

Tokens: Some merchants and businesses issued their own tokens for use as a form of currency. These tokens could be exchanged for goods and services.

Copper Coins: Copper coins of various denominations were also in circulation. These coins might include halfpennies and farthings.

Military Script: In some cases, military authorities issued special paper currency or script for use by soldiers. This could be in addition to regular pay and used within military establishments or in areas with a significant military presence."

Making just half a shilling per day, LW was probably just breaking even for his time in the service, and perhaps not. Any money in his pockets would likely have been in the smaller denominations. Even if he had the money, it would not have made a lot of sense for LW to be carrying around bank notes - that would be like someone walking around with a $1,000 bill today. LW probably used sixpence, pennies and half-pennies, and perhaps pieces of eight.

Spanish dollars, "pieces of eight", were circulating internationally and, therefore, were circulating in Halifax. These could be cut up into eight "bits" to make change. There was a time when a modern quarter might be called two bits, and it could get you a shave and a haircut. For comparison, a Spanish dollar, a piece of eight, eight bits, would be the equivalent of 4 shillings 9 pence (4s 9d).

To learn more about coins of the realm, military pay, pay lists and paymasters try the page napoleon-series.org has on this topic, a document called Wellington'sMoney.pdf.

Sample page for the Muster Books and Pay Lists 1812-1817...

This image, number 83 in the image set of this muster book, shows a few things of interest. In the leftmost column is the company number of the person (Company 4 for Lewis Wauty). The column of numbers 1 to 0 are used to count the entries, with prefixes added manually. The name is entered last name first. This first full quarter is relatively complicated. Most of the individuals are to receive the same pay for the same periods.

Since the page on which Wauty appears doesn't have column headers, here are the headers cropped from a different page.

(Click most images to enlarge.)

Doing the math...

This is an enlargement of the Lewis Wauty line entry for Q4 1813. Three time periods have been jammed into one line.

Two columns are used to record the dates, the start of a period and the end of a period, dates inclusive (i.e. 25th Sep to 31 Oct is 37 days). For this quarter, there are three segments, which probably correlate with location. In this case, being on the Isle of Wight from September 25th until October 31st, followed by the 1st to 4th of November at Chatham Barracks, then November 5th through to the end of the quarter at Guernsey for training would make sense.

Playing into this would be the travel time from the Isle of Wight to Chatham Barracks (perhaps 2 days) and from Chatham Barracks to Guernsey (perhaps 3 days).

The next two columns show the calculation of pay. Then there are three columns for monies paid - in pounds, shillings, pence. 20 shillings to a pound, 12 pence to a shilling. Overall pay for this period is shown as 4/9 (£4 9s).

A further enlargement.

Shown in the report as 4/9 (4 pounds 9 shillings) or 4 x 20 + 9 = 89 shillings. Broken out as 37 + 2 + 50 = 89 shillings

25 Sep. to 31 Oct. = 6 + 31 days, at 1 shilling per day = 37s	Isle of Wight, POW, regiment orientation
01 Nov. to 04 Nov. = 4 days, at sixpence per day = 2s	Chatham Barracks, accommodation, lower pay
05 Nov. to 24 Dec. = 26 + 24 days, at 1 shilling per day = 50s	Guernsey Island, infantryman training

The last column of note is curious, within it 87. The column header reads: "In lieu of beer" or, alternatively, "beer money". On face value, it would seem to say that LW and the others were receiving this in lieu of receiving beer. If so, it is probably a penny a day for this time period. Giving the men money in lieu of beer may have been an effort to cut down on drunkenness and drinking while on duty, or it may have had to do with availability and supply, or it may have had to do with fairness to the men who did not drink. Pay lists don't consistently show this column so there must be a qualifier of some kind as to whether or not the men will receive it.

In support of this assumption of a penny a day, an 1837 periodical entitled The United Service Journal and Naval and Military Magazine - Part I, in the section for correspondence, page 248, included a proposal for reducing the pay of Militiamen, peacetime cutbacks in the economic interest of the nation. "...the penny-a-day given to the soldier of the Line, in lieu of beer, might be withheld from the Militiaman".

A quick search for the price of beer in 1814 yielded this: "The Cost of Living... A man's suit could easily cost £8... Two pence a night would get you a shared bed in a cheap lodging house... rent a house for £10 per year... one pound loaf of bread could be purchased for a penny-farthing or happence (a "feorthing", one fourth or one half a penny)... One and a half pence could buy you a meal at an Irish ordinary. If you wanted something rather more filling you could try a three penny ordinary, where a meal of meat and broth and beer was available for the advertised price. A quart of beer could be purchased for a penny, and a cup of coffee for the same price... (a quart of gin) would set you back a penny..." A suit at £8, or 160 shillings, would make that out to be almost a year's pay for an infantryman. Must be some suit.

In the image for December 25th to March 24th, the three line entries above Lewis Wauty's show people coming in still as the battalion forms. One arrived January 7th, one on January 22nd, and one on February 28th. Each shows lesser earnings than Lewis as he had been there since December 25th. Other entries further down the page are similar with a couple of them showing commencement on December 16th for a total of 99 days. All had the same basic pay rate, though. Interestingly, the count of days seems to include an extra day. 1814 was not a leap year, though, by calculation. There are only a couple search returns for that day, including "US privateer Comet captures schooner Enterprize and sloop St. John in Atlantic, February 29, 1814". No london newspapers had a February 29th edition.

Beer money for this three-month period was shown as just 81d when the day count was 90.

Here is a summary of monies received in Lewis' short military career with the British...

Date or Time Period	Amount	Days Employed	Per Diem (avg.)	In lieu of Beer (1d per day)	Location
Sept. 10, 1813 (bounty)	£4 4s	0	--	--	Isle of Wight
Sept. 11 to Sept. 24, 1813	15s	15	1s	15d	Isle of Wight
Sept. 25 to Dec. 24, 1813	£4 9s	91	0.978s	87d	Isle of Wight, Chatham, Guernsey
Dec. 25 to March 24, 1813-14	£4 5s 6d	90	0.950s	81d	Guernsey, at sea
March 25 to May 24, 1814	£1 10s 6d	61	6d	--	Cove of Cork, at sea
May 25 to June 24, 1814	15s 6d	31	6d	--	At sea, Halifax
June 25 to Sept. 24, 1814	£2 6s	92	6d	--	Halifax
Sept. 25 to Nov. 29, 1814	£1 13s	66	6d	--	Halifax
---------------------------------	-------------	-------------	-------------	----------------------	----------------------
Sept. 10, 1813 to Nov. 29, 1814	£16 77s 18d	446	10.72d (avg.)	183d	--
Converted to largest common coin	£19 18s 6d	446	--	--	--

How did the pay of an infantryman compare to officers?

Suffice to say, officers were compensated at rates congruent with career-oriented employees with greater responsibilities.

Serjeant Major James Maxwell, a senior NCO (non-commissioned officer) paid under Company 1, was making 3 shillings per day for 81 days of this 90-day period, with 9 days at 2s 6d.. He received 81 days' beer money. His total pay was £13 5s 6d compared to Lewis Wauty's pay of £4 5s 6d for the same period: 265.5 shillings compared to 85.5 shillings, roughly three times as much. 

Chat GPT's description of the hierarchy of personnel:

Commissioned Officers:

• Field Officers: Includes ranks like Colonel, Lieutenant Colonel, and Major.
• Company Officers: Includes Captain and Lieutenant.

Warrant Officers:

• Sergeant Major: The most senior non-commissioned officer in a battalion or regiment. There were distinctions between the Regimental Sergeant Major (RSM) and the Battalion Sergeant Major.

Non-Commissioned Officers (NCOs):

• Sergeants: Ranked below the Sergeant Major.
• Corporals: Ranked below Sergeants.

Enlisted Personnel:

• Privates: The lowest rank among soldiers.

In 1800, pay for privates differed depending on the branch of the British Army they were in. Privates in the Cavalry and the Fencible Cavalry Guards received 2 shillings per day compared to an Infantryman private's pay of 1 shilling per day. A Militiaman private also received 1 shilling a day. An "Invalid" received 11¼ pence, almost a full shilling. By 1814, this was probably still very much true. This would put Lewis at virtually the lowest of pay per day in the Military.

On or about March 25th, 1814, the per diem dropped to half and the beer allowance disappeared. There must have been a reason. What was going on that might have brought about such a change? Google searches for a concise answer have been in vain. ChatGPT drew a blank - no doubt if the right question was asked, both sources would turn up something.

Wellington's Operations in the Peninsula 1808-1814 by Captain Lewis Butler may provide a clue.

Was the government running out of money?

In a letter written in December, 1813, from Robert Duffield Cooke (Army Pay Corps) to Lord Earl Bathurst, Secretary of State for War and The Colonies: "Your Lordship is acquainted with the state of our financial resources. We are overwhelmed with debts and I can scarcely stir out of my house on account of the public creditors waiting to demand payment of what is due to them." (The letter is quoted in this book: Wellington's Operations in the Peninsula 1808-1814 Vol 2, by Captain Lewis Butler, on page 773.)

England had been at war for almost a hundred years - with France and Spain from 1701 to 1714; with Spain from 1718 to 1720; in Austria from 1740 to 1748; with the French from 1756 to 1763 in Acadia; there was the American Revolution, from 1775 to 1783; and there is the ongoing Napoleonic war effort that effectively began in 1792. In particular, the war on the Iberian peninsula against Napoleon needs funding to finish it. Lest we forget, there is the war with the Americans (again) that began in 1812. Both require one more push. Where was the money to come from?

In the same publication, this on page 586 - regarding the shortage of currency in the field (and the shortage of it behind the scenes) in 1812: "To keep body and soul together, some sold their horses, others their very clothing; and though Wellington on hearing of their sad state ordered them to be supplied from the Purveyor's stores, some died literally of hunger."

"The old grievance of want of specie now pressed Lord Wellington with redoubled force and was one cause of his failure to reap the full fruits of his victory. "I have been able," wrote he to Lord Bathurst on the 18th of August, " to pay the troops only half their pay... The want of money in the army is become a most serious evil... We must be regularly supplied or we cannot get on."

ChatGPT: "...the phrase "want of specie" refers to a shortage or lack of metallic currency, particularly gold and silver coins. "Specie" generally refers to money in the form of coins rather than paper currency.

During times of war, especially in the early 19th century, armies faced challenges related to the availability and circulation of currency. Armies required funds to pay for supplies, pay soldiers, and conduct various financial transactions. A "want of specie" would indicate that there was a deficiency of physical coins, making it difficult to conduct financial transactions and meet the currency needs of the military.

In the context of the Napoleonic Wars, where armies were often in the field for extended periods and operated in regions with varying economic conditions, issues related to currency and finance were common. Armies had to navigate challenges related to provisioning, payment of troops, and interaction with local economies, and a lack of specie could complicate these matters."

Should this not be the case, what would an alternative reason be for the drop in pay?

On or about March 25th, 1814 was about the time that the 7th/60th began its transport to Canada - could the fact that they would be idle aboard ship while being provisioned at no personal cost, could this justify a drop in per diem to half? What then when the battalion reached Halifax and returned to active duty? Were they being provisioned while serving there - accounting for a drop in pay to half? Was it not so much that it was half, but that this was valued at 6d? This seems to be the case.

This publication contains information about pay and allowances in the British Army. A Treatise on Military Finance in Camp, Garrison and Quarters of the British Army. Part 1, can be read in its entirety online here.

In it, this passage: "...there shall be taken a deduction of 6d. a day from the full pay of every serjeant, corporal, trumpeter, drummer, fifer, and private man of our regiments of Life Guards, royal regiment of Horse Guards, regiments of Dragoon Guards, Dragoons, Fencible Cavalry, Foot Guards, Infantry of the Line, Militia and Fencible Infantry, and companies of Invalids, when serving out of Great Britain, on stations at which provisions are supplied by the public; also, when embarked in transports, or other vessels (except while serving as marines, or during their passage to and from India, at the expense of the East India Company) ; also when prisoners of war, and maintained at the expence of Great Britain; (and likewise when in general hospitals, either at home or abroad); * in which several cases, a stoppage from the pay of our troops, on account of provisions, has always been made".

In short, while being transported from place to place and while stationed where provisions are provided by the public, pay would be reduced by 6d, which just happens to be half of what Lewis would otherwise be receiving. This was a long-standing order, begun in 1799, by His Majesty's Command, William Windham, Secretary of State for War at the time, and seems to have still been in force in 1814-15. It now seems likely that the beer money ceased for the same reason - that beer (or rum) was being provided to the men in lieu of beer money.

Now, for someone who had been spending less than 6d per day on self-provisioning, losing this income would have been a hardship. Would this have been the case for LW? At least LW would have been aware of the reduction when joining the service, it would not have come as an outright surprise.

In looking back at the pay of Serjeant Major Maxwell, he was paid 81 days at full rate, with 81 days of beer money. He then received pay for 9 days at his pay rate less 6d, with no beer money. This would be the case if the battalion was on the move. From March 16 to March 24 inclusive would count as 9 days. This would mean that the battalion was on board a transport ship, hence the remark "ship's rations deducted from 16 March". At this time, the journey would have been from Guernsey to Cove of Cork, a distance of almost 600 km. With a sailing speed in fair weather and daylight of perhaps 15 km /hr, 11 hours per day, sailing time looks to be 3 to 4 days. If it took 4 days, that means they would have arrived in Cove of Cork on or about the 20th of March. This refines the timeline of their being headquartered in Cove of Cork on March 25th.

Looking back at Lewis' pay of £4 5s 6d or 85s 6d for this same 90-day period, it now makes sense. 81 days x 1s + 9 days x 6d (4s 6d) = 85s 6d or £4 5s 6d. With 81 days' beer money while in Guernsey and beer (or rum) provided aboard ship.

Memos and notes from the Muster Books and Pay Lists 1812-1817...

In the image for December 25th to March 24th, the three line entries above Lewis Wauty's show people coming in still as the battalion continues to be formed. One arrived January 7th, one on January 22nd, and one on February 28th. Each shows lesser earnings than Lewis as he had been there since December 25th. Other entries further down the page are similar with a couple of them showing service commencement on December 16th for a total of 99 days. All had the same basic per diem, though.

At the end of Q1 in 1814, the battalion was no longer resident in Guernsey to get paid. Things like this require a paper trail. This memo seems to cover this off, with the explanation that the battalion was "at sea the 24th March", on their way to Cove of Cork to join up with a convoy going to Halifax.

This memo in the pay list muster book has the hand-written note on it. "The battalion was on board ship during this whole period" "from the 25th March to the 24th May". This agrees with earlier statements made, that the battalion left Cove of Cork on April 10th and arrived in Halifax by May 28th.

What appears to be the final entry for Lewis Wauty in the British Army Muster Books and Pay Lists, 1812-1817.

At the end of Q4 1814, on a page entitled "Infantry Abroad", an amount for the "Effects and Credits, including the Value of the Necessaries left behind, after deducting the Debts" is stated to be 2 shillings 4 and a half pence. I take it he never collected it, he might have felt it bait. The time period is restated as September 25th to December 24th, 1814. The date of desertion is restated as the 29th November, 1814, under Captain Dumas. One other desertion in the same period is reported, that of John Van Den Broek, on the 17th October, under Captain Barrington.

---

---

On November 29th, 1814, LW deserts for the third time.

Louis Joseph Wauthy, aka Lewis Wauty, deserts from the 7th/60th battalion of the British Army.

This record from the Pay Lists shows company, name, dates, and what is owed to "Lew. Wauty" for time served up until desertion, with "Remarks explanatory of the Reasons of Absence" being that he "Deserted".

(Reiterated: British Army Muster Books and Pay Lists, 1812-1817 at ancestry.co.uk. Piece 07088: 60th Foot 7th Battalion, 1813-1815.)

(Note: these column headers are from the previous page in this quarterly report.)

This next image, from a different register, entitled "RETURN of the Non-Commissioned Officers, Drummers, Fifes, and Privates, of the 7/60 Regiment of Foot who have died, deserted, been transferred to another Regiment, invalided, or become missing during the Month, from 25th November, to 24th December 1814, or whose death, &c, having happened previously, has been ascertained in the course of the Month.", Lewis Wauty's name appears. The page looks to be the summary of accounting for the people listed - what is credited (i.e. owed to them) and what to do with it.

Two notable items: place of birth is shown as Namur (which confirms for me that Lewis Wauty is indeed Louis Wauthy), and "trade when enlisted" being that of blacksmith. Was LW a blacksmith when he was drafted by the French, or did he learn the trade while in the French Army and declare himself so when he signed with the British, or did he learn the trade while part of the 7th/60th?

BW, a cousin of MW, has this to say: "...what would deserve further investigation is the fact that many of Henry Wauthy's descendants had jobs related to metalwork, the steel industry, foundries, moulding, blacksmithing... The first place where our ancestors are mentioned is Bas-Sart (lower Sart), a hamlet long considered to be part of Gougnies that is now associated more with Sart-Eustache. Until 1830, Gougnies had been a major place where iron was produced. The village is also known for having been the cradle of the regional steel industry (in Charleroi). Bas-Sart is located at the bottom of the valley of La Biesme, where the local workshops were located. The Wauthys who had knowledge in this area seem to have been good craftsmen, even experts, but never owners within the industry itself."

And the date of desertion is confirmed to be November 29th, 1814. Bottom right, Station: Halifax, NS.

(The snaky thing in the image is a soft weight of the kind researchers use to gently hold book pages open while photographing them or otherwise taking notes.)

The entry reads: "(under the command of) Captain Adolphus de Dumas; Private; Wauty, Lewis; Namur; blacksmith; deserted; 29 "ditto" (29th November, 1814).

This is the first I have seen that LW was a military blacksmith. One would be excused for thinking that he was involved with horses, but blacksmiths were the metal fabricators of their day. He could have been producing metal objects from scratch or fixing objects in need of repair, like rifles, for example. This would speak to LW being fit and strong (fully capable of beating up a bugler). And this skill would have great value outside of the military. Perhaps LW saw rosy economic opportunity radiating back at him from the red coals of the forge.

On December 3rd, 1814, just four days after LW deserted, a newspaper article written by an American was reprinted in the Acadian Reporter, Volume 2, Number 49. (The use of the long "s" can make it a bit hard to read. Long s's look like f's. A given word can have long and short s's.) The article speaks to the problem of desertion in the British Army, how those deserting were more often than not foreign recruits.

"Some of them are Frenchmen, who, according to their own account, were inveigled into the British Army in France, under pretences of fighting to restore the Bourbons, being attached to that dynasty; and were afterwards brought off against their consent." This may partly explain how the French were persuaded to join the British forces. With LW's Dutch/Belgian heritage, it might take a different lie to get him to change sides. And LW's reason could still have simply been to avoid prison camp.

Using the navigation tools at the NS Archives link (above) produces a more readable image. Other editions are nearby.

While wondering how LW might go about deserting in Halifax when he may well already have had access to the city on an on-duty and off-duty basis, I noticed this Acadian Recorder article..

This got me thinking that LW could have had contact with horses as a blacksmith and, on the pretext of doing his duty may have taken leave to deliver a horse somewhere. For a test drive after re-shoeing, or to a vet, perhaps. A blacksmith taking a horse somewhere was probably a common enough occurrence. Once he was off the base, he drops the horse at the stable of a William Raymur (could have been any stable) then he just keeps on going. A blacksmith might not be expected to work in uniform, so would not have had one on to ditch. Halifax, being a transportation hub, LW could have been out of the city within the hour on his way to who knows where.

The ad reads: "NOTICE. The person who left a SICILIAN STALLION at the stable of the subscriber (William Raymur, subscriber of the newspaper) some time since, is hereby notified, that, he will be sold at PUBLIC AUCTION by Daniel Fraser, on Wednesday next, at the stable where he now stands, to pay costs and keeping, and charges of advertising. &c. Dec. 3. WM. RAYMUR."

A Sicilian stallion? In Halifax? In 1814? (I sound like Robert Clotworthy.)

ChatGPT: "Sicilian stallions, often referred to as "Sicilian Barbs" or "Sicilian breed," were known for their quality and were used in various military and cavalry roles during the Napoleonic era, including by the British cavalry. While not as common as some other breeds, these stallions were appreciated for their strength, endurance, and suitability for military purposes. The British Army, like many other European armies of the time, recognized the value of different horse breeds and often used them based on their qualities and availability.

Sicilian stallions, with their Baroque and Andalusian ancestry, were noted for their elegance, agility, and stamina, making them desirable for both light and heavy cavalry regiments. They were especially appreciated for their ability to perform dressage and for their suitability in battle.

So, while they may not have been the most numerous or widespread choice, Sicilian stallions could indeed have been used by some units of the British cavalry during the Napoleonic era, including in 1814. The selection of horse breeds often depended on the specific roles and preferences of individual regiments and the availability of suitable horses."

Follow up question: A parade horse perhaps?

ChatGPT: "Yes, Sicilian stallions, with their elegance, agility, and good temperament, were often used as parade horses, and they were appreciated for their ability to perform in various ceremonial and display roles. Their grace and presence made them well-suited for parades, reviews, and other formal events. The British military, as well as other European armies, used such horses for ceremonial purposes, including as mounted escorts for high-ranking officers and in various ceremonial guards.

Their use as parade horses was not limited to the British cavalry but extended to other branches of the military and ceremonial units as well. Sicilian stallions were known for their regal appearance, and their inclusion in parades added to the visual spectacle and grandeur of such events."

So, did LW take a military show horse off the base on some pretext, drop him off somewhere, then keep on going? Maybe he was expected to be gone for a few days. "Some time since" could easily be taken to mean three days. LW deserted on the 29th of November, this ad appeared on Saturday, December 3rd. Auction tto follow on the following Wednesday, one full week after the drop-off, a reasonable waiting period. No repeat ad in the next edition on the Saturday following, the horse was either claimed or sold. Makes for a good story anyway...

---

Enter Jean Jacques (Jacob) Thibaut...

Why did Lewis Wauty, aka Louis Joseph Wauthy, desert this time? Being assigned to guard Halifax and other Maritime ports with his fellow infantrymen does not seem like a difficult task.

A few things come to mind. The first is that the idea for a land grant after five years service may have fallen flat. In Lord Bathurst's letter to the Secretary of War about forming the 7th/60th he had put it this way: "Under the existing exiquences of the service in North America, I have to propose that this Battalion should be raised for the service of that country, and with a view of giving them an interest in the Military Service of Great Britain, which they might not otherwise feel, it may probably come within your lordships favourable consideration to hold out to the men the eventual grant of land in Canada after a service of five years."

If word came after LW signed up that the land grant was off the table, I think he might have been rightfully upset. Deserting may have been his emotional reaction. Loyalists had been receiving grants in Nova Scotia since hostilities with the newly formed United States ended in 1783. LW may not have seen his situation as that different, that he, too, would be deserving if he served the full seven years. No one knew at the time that the 7th/60th would be disbanded in Halifax in 1817 ("the men drafted into the Second and Third Battalions at Quebec and Halifax") making the longest term possible within its ranks out to be five years even if LW had stayed in. To be fair, the British Army should then hold the time served in the 7th to be added to time served in subsequent service, then fair apply this qualifier in determining whether or not to issue a land grant. A late thought - did the black mark against Lewis' name play into eligibility for a land grant? He did desert shortly after the bugler incident.

The change in rate of pay in the spring of 1814 may have seemed a hardhip for those doing a better job of self-managing their expenses. From one shilling a day down to half that in lieu of being provisioned by the public. And the beer allowance seems to have evaporated, nothing after March 25th was received monetarily by any of the privates in his battalion. Was this an outright loss of benefit or was it being made up by provisioning, too, but of beer and/or rum?

The land grant issue, the change in pay, the general conditions in the service, the aftermath of the beating incident, the desire to take his blacksmithing skills with him to the private sector, or the presence of an opportunity to otherwise make his fortune (legally or illegally) at something he has come across in the bustling city - what other reasons might there be?

Desertion puts Louis Joseph Wauthy in a position of needing a new identity if his plan is to establish himself somehow, somewhere, so he can start a new life and perhaps apply for a land grant. If he was to achieve legitimacy, it would not be with the name of a deserter. He wasn't going to fool anyone by taking an English name either. So a French identity and name, one he could build stories around with a ring of truth. If of someone from his hometown, fictitious or not fictitious, his own stories and experience and memories could be recounted to form the basis of a life leading up to the present.

LW seems to have reached back into his past to create a plausible name that could easily be remembered and even checked. Thibaut was a common name in Namur province as were the given names Jean and Jacques. Jacob is a nickname for Jacques and LW may have welcomed the extra buffer. The name was familiar - his brother's godfather was Jacques Antoine Thibaut. Better still, Jacques Antoine's father, Jean Jacques Thibaut (who died in 1772) is an even closer name match. Coincidence or deliberate?

LW could say to those he met or who confronted him as he traveled that he was a Spaniard. He had spent enough time there to fool a typical Acadian. There were Spanish fishermen in the region, he would not be totally out of place. He would not have needed identification papers. Once he ditched his uniform and soldier's papers, he would have been free to find work.

To further establish himself, LW could take a wife and start a family. He has a trade skill and could take an apprentice position that would pay adequately so he could support his family until he could start up something for himself, in a proverbial land of opportunity. He could conceal any special "military" knowledge of blacksmithing. Working as a farm labourer with blacksmithing abilities might also give him an employment advantage over the untrained. As Jacob Tibo, LW would go on to have the occupation of farmer in the 1838 census.

Assuming the identity of Jean Jacques (Jacob) Thibaut, marrying and having a child doesn't come too much ahead of Jacob's appearance in the 1817 "Heads of Families" Nova Scotia census as husband and father. That step would connect descendants of Feuillen Wauthy like LW to certain modern ancestral descendants of JJT. Researchers generally believe that the 1817 census is the earliest record for Jean Jacques "Jacob" Thibeau (Thibaut, Tiboo) in Nova Scotia.

One man disappears, another man appears.

---

The next steps...

For everything written to this point, it seems timely to see how the search for a Wauthy who could be Jean Jacques "Jacob" Thibeau has come along.

To review the search criteria, it is reproduced here.

...find a male Wauthy who:

was a descendant of the particular son of Feuillen Wauthy who is an ancestor of the living Thibeau DNA match

was probably born in Wallonia, likely lived there, likely had family there

had reason to change his surname, and perhaps his given names

had reason to choose Thibeau to be his new surname, and Jean Jacques as his new given names

did not have any documented history in Europe that would conflict with his history in the New World

might have circumstantial connections - for such things as description, occupation, religion, upbringing, social habits

who might reveal something of themselves in things like their skills or abilities (or inabilities), or their choice of childrens' names

This Wauthy male should also match up with things believed about JJT, keeping in mind that, for someone on the run or wishing to change his identity, the best lie is closest to the truth.

Wauthy may:

have been in the military, and may have deserted (if he is from Wallonia, it would be the French military)

have some kind of a Spanish connection - from there, spent time there, worked with Spanish people

have an accent that was hard for Nova Scotians (mostly English-speaking) to understand

have been about age 33 in 1824 (+- 10%)

What would not help would be the name Lewis Wauty appearing on any new-found documents that would conflict with the first appearance of the name Jean Jacques "Jacob" Thibeau (Thibaut, Tiboo or any other variation). (I suppose it is possible, though, that Wauthy might maintain his real identity privately, for selective use.)

As is now known, Wauthy need not have become, nor did he need to be, "a fisherman from Spain, the Basques having a long history of fishing off Canada's coast" for the purposes of crossing the ocean. He made the Atlantic crossing legitimately, as an enlisted British soldier. But it may have been convenient to claim to be Spanish after deserting, when trying to establish himself in the New World. His time spent in Spain may have given him sufficient skill in their ways and language for him to be taken as a "native of Spain" for the purposes of his land grant petition. He would not be expected to be able to read and write English though he might be expected to be literate and know how to spell and write his name.

It seemed enough at first to discover that Louis Wauthy had indeed made it to Nova Scotia at a time that could be tied in with what is known about Jean Jacques "Jacob" Thibeau - that is to say that he was there in time to marry, take a wife and have a child, so this could be truthfully reported on the census taken July 24th, 1817, in Manchester, Sydney County. Having made it to Halifax by May 31st, 1814 and deserting there on November 29th, 1814 satisfied this, made it possible and believable.

Halifax is a seaport after all, with coastal and international connections. Trading vessels still worked the coastline and fishing continued unabated. With the wars in Europe and North America coming to an end, did LW think he had a chance to return to a free familiar Belgium or emigrate to a rapidly developing United States? Or had he liked what he had seen of the New World and thought he might try to settle here? That may have been his original plan - get a land grant after serving out his time in the military. In any case, getting out of town would be the priority. North would be unfamiliar, west or east then. East he had been and seen. While there were overland routes, traveling by sea would make the most sense if he could manage it. A fishing boat or coastal merchant ship may have presented the best option, putting greater distance between himself and any Halifax authorities that may be looking for him while giving him some protection against the season.

There had to be a first time for LW/JJT to come to the Manchester area, did he randomly arrive there? All things considered, Manchester may have been the ideal place to winter over, and winter was indeed upon him - makes me think that he had either an urgent need for deserting or he had a plan that was well thought out.

These next excerpts come from a 10-page section about desertion in a downloadable book about the 60th Regiment stationed in Quebec entitled A Very Public Presence: The British Army Garrison in the Town of Québec, 1759-1838. While written about the situation in Quebec, much of this book also applies to the situation of the 7th/60th in Halifax.

"While soldiers could and did attempt desertions on their own or with their comrades, there were many occasions when civilians were active participants, either by aiding and abetting the deserters, apprehending them or by purchasing or exchanging soldiers' necessaries. It is this link between soldiers and civilians which is of interest in this section. By definition, it was also a link which was far more than superficial. When a soldier confided in a civilian regarding a potential desertion or offered up items of military equipment for sale, there was at least some element of trust present given the significant risk of capture and punishment involved. Similarly, when a civilian assisted a deserter not only were there risks involved, but there was also a tacit renunciation of what could be a significant fînancial reward offered for the apprehension of those who fled the garrison."

In favour of a successful desertion attempt by Lewis would be his job as blacksmith and the clothes he would wear while performing his duties. I doubt there is an identifiable military issue leather apron and I doubt he would wear his pants or hat or greatcoat from his uniform while working, he would have had alternatives. Converting from military garb to civilian clothing was a stickler for other potential deserters. Lewis, though, might literally have been able to walk off the job in disguise.

"...one interesting aspect of both desertion as well as of the disposal of necessaries is that the commission of both of these offenses generally required a reasonably high degree of collaboration between soldiers of the garrison and civilians.

While there were occasions, for example, when soldiers deserted in their uniforms on their own, for obvious reasons they would have a greater chance of succeeding in their attempt if they could procure civilian or 'coloured' clothing, as well as civilian assistance in reaching their destination, whether it was the border with the United States or elsewhere."

As much as large rewards could motivate some civilians to report on, even capture and turn in deserters, "there were other civilians who were motivated by other considerations who were prepared to assist soldiers in their efforts to escape from military service. Whether because they sympathized with the plight of soldiers and sought to help them escape from the conditions under which they served, were friends or family members, or stood to gain financially from their desertion through the disposal of their effects, they were frequently implicated in charges which were laid by military authorities in Québec."

Depending on a deserter's actions, and the time and place of a desertion or an attempt, the punishment for desertion ranged from relative leniency to extreme severity, from being pardoned, through receiving hundreds of lashes, to being shot to death.

"There were a variety of motivations which could incite a soldier to desert. While some fled on impulse under the temporary influence of alcohol, or in other cases grew disillusioned with what could be a harsh military existence others lie Private Thomas Knee of the 48 Régiment who deserted the army in June, 1761 had other motivations. In testimony explaining his conduct he claimed that "...his passion for a girl in Canada induced him to take the step he did."

I have been wondering if LW met his future wife in Halifax - was she a factor in his decision to desert? Was she the reason he deserted?

Time to redirect the search to LW's wife to be, to the woman JJT was known to have married, as stated on multiple birth and marriage records. He is destined to meet her, but how, when and where?

---

Searching for Anne McInly (McKinley, McKinlay)...

For Louis Wauthy (Lewis Wauty) to become Jean Jacques (Jacob) Thibeau, his story will have to end and become the story of JJT.

From the perspective of a researcher into Louis Wauthy (Lewis Wauty), there is no record found as yet to tell us where he went when he deserted. There is no record as yet to tell us when the name change occurred. There is no record as yet to connect LW to a job, a community, a church or a family.

The name Jacob Tiboo on the 1817 census means the Wauthy name must have been discarded before enumeration. He is the last name on the list which may mean he had just surfaced in Manchester, by choice or enforcement. All there is at present is compelling DNA evidence that tells us with high certainty that Louis Wauthy (Lewis Wauty) does become Jean Jacques Thibeau.

There is no record of wife and child until June 24th, 1817, but they did not magically appear on that day. Would not Jacob have to meet his future wife, marry his future wife and have a child with his wife by the census date?

This child, a daughter, died June 2, 1887 at age 71. If born June 2, 1816, she would be 71 precisely. If born June 3, 1815, she would have been 71 and 364 days. If born June 3, 1816, she would have been 70 and 364 days, not 71. If the age of 71 and the date of death June 2, 1887 are to be taken as accurate, she must have been born between June 3, 1815 and June 2, 1816. (It should be noted here that ages at death are often erroneously reported, when the person who might best know has passed.)

If a marriage took place 9 months before, this would back up into the time before desertion, to October 3, 1814, and would extend forward only as far as October 2, 1815, to just 10 months after desertion. Ignore the precise month and day and the variance in length of pregnancy, and just focus on how tight this time frame is.

Does it seem more likely now that LW could have met his future wife in Halifax, that the child may have been conceived in Halifax, and a marriage, if one took place, took place in Halifax? And that the meeting or the marriage or the conception of a child may have factored into LW's decision to desert?

Having deserted in Halifax, he is not far from Manchester, Sydney County. It is very late in 1814 - he is not far from July 24th, 1817 either.

JJT was in Manchester, Sydney County, with wife and child, on July 24th, 1817. It remains to connect the two.

Note to self: 2023-12-04, pick up here...

---